Cause Expressed By Clause

Halliday (1994: 401-3):

Here ends 14 years of unpaid and unacknowledged daily service to the SFL community by an unwaged member.

Cause Expressed By Clause Complex

Halliday (1994: 400-1):

Cause Expressed By Cohesive Conjunction

Halliday (1994: 400):

Extension: Parataxis, Hypotaxis

Halliday (1994: 399):

Elaboration: Paratactic, Hypotactic, Embedded

Halliday (1994: 398-9):

Expansion And Projection In Relational Processes

Halliday (1994: 398):

Blogger Comments:

Note that one of the circumstantial relational types, matter, is projection, not enhancement.

Increased Elasticity Of Construal Provided By Grammatical Metaphor

 Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 315-6):

This elasticity of construal is further increased through grammatical metaphor, which also relies on the manifestation of projection & expansion within participants (realised by the different types of modification in nominal groups). We have illustrated the range of options throughout the system at various points, and a schematic example will be enough here:

[i] logical

A happened, so B happened;

A caused B to happen;

[ii] experiential

A happened causing B/ B happened because of A;

A happening caused B happening

A affected B ['cause-happened']

with additional metaphorical variants:

B happened because of the happening of A

the happening of A caused the happening of B

the happening of A was the cause of the happening of B

As we have shown in the context of grammatical metaphor, the choice among alternative construals is made on the basis of both ideational and textual factors. These factors 'conspire' together so that different strategies are favoured in different registers: the congruent form (sequences) in casual speech, the metaphoric form (figures of being & having) in elaborated forms of writing.

Where there is variation of this kind within one language, we may expect to find typological variation across different languages.

Elasticity Of Construal Provided By Projection And Expansion

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 315):

One major source of this kind of elasticity is the manifestation of the very general semantic types of projection & expansion throughout the ideation base. In English, as we have shown, we find them manifested both logically as relations and experientially as elements within figures:

[i] logical manifestation:

as relations between figures in the construal of sequences (realised by clause complexes);

as relations between processes in the construal of figures (realised by verbal group complexes);

[ii] experiential manifestation:

as circumstances within figures (realised by prepositional phrases or adverbial groups);

as circumstantial processes within figures of being & having (realised by relational clauses);

as non-nuclear participants within figures, i.e., participants other than Medium — Agent, Beneficiary, Range (realised by nominal groups with or without a preposition).

Metaphorical Elaboration Is Made Possible By The Fractal Pattern Of Projection/Expansion

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 294-5, 296):

The whole metaphorical elaboration is made possible by a fractal pattern that runs through the whole system. We have suggested that the metaphorical elaboration is a token-value relation; but in order for it to be a token-value relation within the semantic system, it has to be natural in the sense that the token and value domains have to be similar enough to allow the token to stand for the value. For instance, a sequence has to be similar enough to a figure to allow it to stand as a metaphorical token for this congruent value. The principle behind this similarity is the fractal pattern of projection/expansion that we met throughout the semantic system of sequences, figures, and elements.

That is, while grammatical metaphor constitutes a move from one "phenomenal domain" to another — from sequence to figure, and from figure to element, this move is made possible because the fractal types engender continuity across these domains: the metaphorical move from one phenomenal domain to another takes place within one and the same transphenomenal domain. For example, the metaphorical shift from he added and smiled to he added with a smile is a shift from the phenomenal domain of sequence to the phenomenal domain of figure (accompanied by the shift from figure and smiled to element with a smile)', but the transphenomenal domain of 'extension' remains constant: the extending sequence he added and smiled is metaphorically agnate with the figure he added with a smile with an extending circumstance. …

Reasons For The Metaphoric Instability Of Relators

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 267-8):

It is clear that, among the various elements involved, the relators are the most unstable in terms of their susceptibility to metaphoric transformation. They are, as it were, the first to leave; and they travel farther than the rest.

We can perhaps link this property of relators to their status in the overall ideation base. Relators construe the highly generalised logico-semantic relations of expansion that join figures into sequences: elaborating, extending, enhancing. We have remarked already on the fact that these relationships of expansion pervade very many regions of the semantic system: they are manifested in the organisation of figures of being, in the types of circumstantial element that occur within a figure, in the taxonomy of 'things', and elsewhere, as well as of course in their 'home' region of the construal of sequences, as links between one figure and another. This led us to characterise the categories of expansion as "transphenomenal" and as "fractal":

• transphenomenal in the sense that they re-appear across the spectrum of different types of phenomena construed by the ideational system; and 
• fractal in the sense that they serve as general principles of the construal of experience, generating identical patterns of organisation of variable magnitude and in variable semantic environments.

It is these characteristics of relators that make them particularly liable to migrate: to be displaced metaphorically from their congruent status (as paratactic and hypotactic conjunctions) and to appear in other guises in other locations — as minor processes (in circumstantial elements), as processes, as qualities and as things. Thanks to this metaphoric instability, relators are able to play a central part in the re-construal of experience that is a feature of the discourse of the sciences — that makes these discourses possible, in fact, and hence provides the semiotic foundation for the construction of scientific knowledge.

Examples Of Other Transphenomenal Motifs

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 225):

There are other "transphenomenal" motifs, often related to these, which are more specific in their scope; for example, the foregrounding of perceptual space, and of the concrete having extension in space, so that these serve as models for construing more abstract, non-spatial realms; and, more specifically, the spatial construction of the human body as an orientational framework.

The Patterns Of Transphenomenal Categories As Fractal Types

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 223, 224):

Since projection and expansion operate across the various categories of phenomena, we referred to them as transphenomenal categories. As transphenomenal categories, they are meaning types that are in some sense "meta" to the organisation of the ideation base: they are principles of construing our experience of the world that generate identical patterns of semantic organisation which are of variable magnitude and which occur in variable semantic environments. Such patterns therefore constitute fractal types. Projection and expansion are manifested at three levels of organisation: as sequences, as figures and as elements. Table 5(6) presents a partial summary of the cases we have discussed.

Expansion And Projection Manifested Across Phenomenal Domains

 Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 222-3):

Figure 5-14 shows the two motifs manifested in the environments of sequences, figures and elements.

Qualities Of Projection And Expansion

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 209-10):

Qualities can be distinguished according to the transphenomenal types of projection and expansion. Qualities of projection and qualities of expansion differ in a number of respects. Most fundamentally, they differ in their patterns of agnation. 

Qualities of projection are agnate with processes in figures of sensing; for example, happy in the happy child (or the child is happy) is agnate with rejoice in the child rejoices. 

In contrast, qualities of expansion display patterns of agnation within figures of being & having, with variation according to subtype. 

This fundamental difference explains other differences; for example, qualities of projection tend to occur in agnate pairs of the 'like' and 'please' type that we find with figures of sensing (e.g. afraid/scary, suspicious/suspect, bored/boring), whereas qualities of expansion do not.

Cline Of Involvement x Expansion And Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 173-4):

The "degree of involvement", in the sense of how deeply some element is involved in actualising the process that is construed by the figure, can thus be represented as a cline: the difference appears not only between participants and circumstances as a whole, but also within each of these primary categories, so that there is a continuum from one to the other along this scale.

At the same time, and cutting across this cline of involvement, we find that — like the participants themselves — the circumstantial elements fall into distinct types according to their relationship to the Process + Medium nucleus. These types correspond to the four transphenomenal categories of logico-semantic relations that are now familiar: the circumstance is either a circumstance of projection or a circumstance of expansion and, if the latter, then either elaborating, extending or enhancing. If we combine the degree of involvement with the logico-semantic categories, we can represent the elements of a figure in the form of a helix (Figure 4-14).

Expansion And Projection As Trans-phenomenal Categories

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 127):

Sequences at lower ranks than that of figures retain the logical mode of realisation in the grammar. Expansion and projection thus flow throughout the system, forming sequences. This is in fact an instance of a general principle: expansion and projection are trans-phenomenal categories in the sense that they are manifested over the system as a whole — not merely in different logical environments across ranks but also experientially. For example, projection manifested within a sequence: Brutus said Caesar was ambitious; projection manifested within a simple figure: According to Brutus, Caesar was ambitious. This feature is particularly exploited when the system is expanded through grammatical metaphor.

What Makes The Re-mapping In Ideational Metaphor Possible

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 713):

The ‘re-mapping’ is possible because semantic motifs such as cause are manifested repeatedly in the different environments of the grammar so that each environment is a possible domain of realisation for such a motif. These motifs are of the two primary types, expansion and projection. Ideational metaphor is based on patterns that exist already in the congruent mode of realisation; but it expands these patterns significantly, as can be seen when we analyse scientific, legal or administrative discourse – or, indeed, other kinds of discourse that the metaphorical mode has spread to in a systematic way.

The Frame Of Reference For Participant & Circumstance Rôles

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 443):

Our own approach is also language–based: participant rôles and circumstance rôles in the figures are based on intra-semantic considerations (e.g. the transphenomenal types of projection and expansion) and on inter-stratal considerations from below, from lexicogrammar.

Lexicogrammatical Considerations In Modelling Meaning

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 441-2):

Throughout our discussion of the organisation of the meaning base, we have made reference both to intra-stratal considerations (such as patterns of agnation and the transphenomenal types that emerged in the course of our exploration) and to inter-stratal considerations. With respect to the latter, we have foregrounded considerations ‘from below’, from the stratum of lexicogrammar. There were two main reasons for this: on the one hand, the meaning base has to be realised in worded texts and the statements of realisation will be simpler if the resources of wording are part of the picture from the start; on the other hand, the relationship between meaning and wording, between the system of semantics and that of lexicogrammar, is a natural one: they are both strata of the content.

Another Source Of The Elasticity Of Construal: Grammatical Metaphor

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 315-6):

The elasticity of construal is further increased through grammatical metaphor, which also relies on the manifestation of projection & expansion within participants (realised by the different types of modification in nominal groups). We have illustrated the range of options throughout the system at various points, and a schematic example will be enough here:

[i] logical

A happened, so B happened;

A caused B to happen;

[ii] experiential

A happened causing B / B happened because of A

A happening caused B happening

A affected B [‘cause-happened’]

with additional metaphorical variants:

B happened because of the happening of A

the happening of A caused the happening of B

the happening of A was the cause of the happening of B