Thursday, 31 August 2017

Minor Clauses & Tone

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 169):
Minor clauses have varied tones depending on their function. Greetings, and also alarms, tend to have tone 1 or tone 3; exclamations tone 5; calls (vocatives) have every possible tone in the language, with noticeable differences in meaning.

Wednesday, 30 August 2017

Key: Imperative Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 169):
command: tone 1 (unmarked in positive)
invitation: tone 3 (unmarked in negative)
request (marked polarity): tone 13, with tonic on do/don’t
plea: tone 4

Tuesday, 29 August 2017

Key: Polar Interrogative Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 169):
unmarked yes/no question: tone 2
peremptory question: tone 1

Monday, 28 August 2017

Key: WH–Interrogative Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 169):
unmarked WH–question: tone 1
tentative question: tone 2
echo question: tone 2 with tonic on WH–element

Sunday, 27 August 2017

Key: Declarative Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 169):
unmarked statement: tone 1
reserved statement: tone 4
insistent statement: tone 5
tentative statement: tone 3
protesting statement: tone 2

Saturday, 26 August 2017

Key [Defined]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 168):
The tones are not, however, simply additional markers attached to the realisation of mood. They realise distinct grammatical systems of their own, which are associated with the mood categories. The general name for systems that are realised by tone is key.

Friday, 25 August 2017

Mood & Tone: Exclamatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 168):
Tone 5 [rise-fall] is the one most typical of exclamative clauses, where the meaning is ‘wow!’ — something that is (presented as) contrary to expectation.

Thursday, 24 August 2017

Mood & Tone: Imperatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 168):
Proposals are typically combined with tones 1 [fall] and 3 [level~low rising]. Imperative clauses, functioning as commands, typically favour tone 1, as also do modulated declaratives; but a mild command, such as a request, and also a negative command, often comes with tone 3, which has the effect of leaving the decision to the listener. For the same reason offers are commonly associated with tone 3.

Wednesday, 23 August 2017

Mood & Tone: Interrogatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 168):
Within the interrogative, the yes/no type is usually found with tone 2, the ‘uncertain’ rising tone. WH–interrogatives, on the other hand, favour tone 1 [fall], because although they are asking for a missing element, the proposition itself is taken as certain … ‘certainty’ means certainty about the polarity; there is no issue of ‘yes or no?’ with a WH- interrogative clause.

Tuesday, 22 August 2017

Mood & Tone: Declaratives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 167):
Declarative clauses most frequently combine with tone 1 [fall], the feature of certainty; but there is a secondary motif, also very common, whereby the declarative goes with tone 4 [fall-rise], showing some kind of reservation.

Monday, 21 August 2017

How To Identify Tone

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 167):
The actual pitch contour traced by any one tone group may be extremely complex; but the distinctive movement takes place at the point of tonic prominence. Whatever direction is taken by the tonic foot (tonic segment) determines the tone of the tone group.

Sunday, 20 August 2017

The Interpersonal System Of Tone

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 167):
The fundamental opposition is that between falling and rising; the whole of the tone system can in fact be constructed out of that simple contrast. At the most general level, falling tone means certainty, rising tone means uncertainty. A neutral, more or less level tone, is one that opts out of the choice. There are then two possibilities for forming more complex tones: falling-rising, which means something like ‘seems to be certain but isn’t’, and rising-falling, complementary to that, which means ‘seems not to be certain but is’.  This defines the five simple tones of spoken English. In addition, two compound tones are formed by adding the neutral tone to one that ends with a fall. The simple tones are numbered 1 to 5, the compound ones 13 and 53 (‘one three’, ‘five three’).

Saturday, 19 August 2017

3rd Person Imperatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 166):
We may also recognise a third person imperative form as in Lord save us!; these are rare except in exclamations and in young children’s speech (e.g. Daddy carry me!). Here, too, there is a Subject but no Finite operator. These never occur with pronoun Subject; if the Subject required is a pronoun it will always be accompanied by let as in let them beware!.  This is therefore comparable to let me, and also to let us, from which, of course, the modern let’s originally derives. (The older variant let you ... no longer occurs.)

Friday, 18 August 2017

Let Me: Command Or Offer?

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 166):
Note however that the meaning of ‘offer’ is dependent only on the particular goods-&-services referred to: if the meaning required is ‘allow me to’, the same form will be heard as a command with let as second person imperative. Hence an expression such as let me go is ambiguous: either offer, first person imperative (= ‘I offer to go’, with the tag shall I?), or command, second person imperative (= ‘release me’, with the tag won’t you? or will you?). An expression such as let me help you is similarly interpretable either way; but here the effect is a blend, since even the second person imperative ‘allow me to help you’ will still be functioning as an offer.

Thursday, 17 August 2017

Let Me Offer

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 166):
Is there also a ‘me’ type, a first person imperative realising a simple offer? The forms most commonly found are let me and I’ll; the latter is clearly declarative, but let me may be interpreted as imperative on the analogy of let’s.

Wednesday, 16 August 2017

Imperatives Realising Suggestions (Command + Offer)

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 166):
The ‘you–and–me’ type, with let’s, realises a suggestion, something that is at the same time both command and offer.

Tuesday, 15 August 2017

Imperatives: Let’s

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 166):
What is the analysis of let’s? Given its place in the paradigm, it is best interpreted as a wayward form of the Subject ‘you and I’ (note that the marked person is realised by Ictus
on let’s, parallel to that on you). The only anomalous form then is the response Yes, let’s!, No, let’s not!, which on this analysis has Subject and no Finite; but in each case there is an alternative form with the Finite element in it, Yes, do let’s!, No, don’t let’s!, which also suggests that let’s is felt to be a Subject. (The order do let’s corresponds to the earlier second person ordering as in Do you look!.)

Monday, 14 August 2017

Imperatives: Do & Don't

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 165):
Historically the forms do, don’t derived from non-finite forms of the verb do, but they now function analogously to the Finite operator in an indicative clause; compare the dialogic sequence Look! – Shall I? – Yes, do! or No, don’t!, with the response consisting of Mood element only.

Sunday, 13 August 2017

Imperatives: Mood Elements & Finiteness

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 165):
the unmarked positive has no Mood element, the verb form (eg look) is Predicator only, with no Finite in it. The other forms have a Mood element; this consists of Subject only (you), Finite only (do, don’t), or Finite followed by Subject. Any of these can be followed by a Mood tag: won’t you?, will you? — showing that the clause is finite, even though the verb is non-finite (the imperative of be is be, as in Be quiet!, not the finite form are).  Historically the forms do, don’t derived from non-finite forms of the verb do, but they now function analogously to the Finite operator in an indicative clause; compare the dialogic sequence Look! – Shall I? – Yes, do! or No, don’t!, with the response consisting of Mood element only.

Saturday, 12 August 2017

Imperatives: Person

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 165):

The imperative has a different system of person from the indicative. Since the imperative is the mood for exchanging goods–&–services, its Subject is ‘you’ or ‘me’ or ‘you and me’.

Friday, 11 August 2017

Exclamations: Grammatical Realisations

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 164):
Exclamative clauses … have a distinct grammar; but other mood types may also realise exclamations; this includes yes/no interrogative clauses that are negative in polarity…
Isn’t it amazing!
However, unlike clauses that are exclamative in mood, such clauses do not have a distinctively exclamative grammar.

Thursday, 10 August 2017

Exclamative Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 164):
These clauses have the WH- element what or how, in nominal or adverbial group. … what conflates with a Complement, as in what tremendously easy riddles you askthis is often an attributive Complement, as in what a fool he is. how conflates with an Adjunct, as in how beautifully you make loveIn earlier English the Finite in these clauses preceded the Subject, as in how are the mighty fallenbut since the Finite ^ Subject sequence became specifically associated with the interrogative mood, the normal order in exclamatives has become Subject ^ Finite.

Wednesday, 9 August 2017

The Conflation Of WH- And Element Of Projected Clause

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 164):
In addition, the WH- element may be conflated with an element from a clause that is projected by the WH- interrogative clause; for example:
How much chicken do you think → I had __ Kate?

Tuesday, 8 August 2017

WH- Elements & “Preposition Stranding”

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 163-4):
In the selection of the WH- element, the category of Complement can extend to include the minor Complement of a prepositional phrase. Here the WH- element is conflated with the minor Complement of a prepositional phrase serving as a circumstantial Adjunct in the clause. Since the WH- element is thematic, the minor Complement of the prepositional phrase is given the status of Theme, while the minor Predicator appears within the Rheme, in the position the Adjunct has when it is not thematic; for example:
Who were you talking to?

Monday, 7 August 2017

The Conflation Of WH- And Predicator?

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 161, 163):
What about WH- / Predicator? There is always the possibility that the missing piece the speaker wishes to have supplied may be something that is expressed in the verb — an action, event, mental process or relation — and hence functioning as Predicator. But the WH- element cannot be conflated with the Predicator; there is no verb to what in English, so we cannot ask whatted he? Questions of this kind are realised as do + what (Complement), or what (Subject) + happen, and whatever had something done to it, or happen to it, comes in as an Adjunct, in the form of a prepositional phrase, usually with the preposition to.

This is one kind of Adjunct that is almost never thematic, for obvious reasons – not only would it have to override a WH- element, but it is not functioning as a circumstantial element anyway.

Sunday, 6 August 2017

WH- Element: Function & Position

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 160):
The WH- element is a distinct element in the interpersonal structure of the clause. Its function is to specify the entity that the questioner wishes to have supplied. … it typically takes a thematic position in the clause. The WH- element is always conflated with one or another of the three functions of Subject, Complement or Adjunct. If it is conflated with the Subject, it is part of the Mood element, and the order within the Mood element must therefore be Subject^Finite.
If on the other hand the WH- element is conflated with a Complement or Adjunct, it is part of the Residue; and in that case the typical interrogative ordering within the Mood element reasserts itself, and we have Finite preceding Subject.

Saturday, 5 August 2017

Expletives Vs Attitudinal Lexis With No Grammatical Function

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 160):
We should distinguish from Expletives the individual lexical items (‘swear words’) that may be sprinkled anywhere throughout the discourse and have no grammatical function in the clause (as with bloody in it’s a bloody taxation bloody policy, God).
Cf Halliday (1994: 85):
Note that individual lexical items expressing the speaker’s attitude, when incorporated into the structure of a group (usually a nominal group, like bloody in those bloody mosquitoes), have no grammatical function in the clause.

Friday, 4 August 2017

Expletives: Distribution And Function

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 159):
Likewise outside the structure of the Mood and Residue, and occurring in more or less the same places as Vocatives in the clause, are Expletives, whereby the speaker enacts his own current attitude or state of mind. These are perhaps on the fringe of grammatical structure; but since they participate fully in the intonation and rhythm of the clause they do figure in the analysis.

Thursday, 3 August 2017

Vocatives: Function

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 159):
In using a Vocative the speaker is enacting the participation of the addressee or addressees in the exchange. This may serve to identify the particular person being addressed, or to call for that person’s attention; but in many dialogic contexts the function of the Vocative is more negotiatory: the speaker uses it to mark the interpersonal relationship, sometimes thereby claiming superior status or power. The Vocative is also brought in as a text signal, for example, when signing off in a telephone conversation.

Wednesday, 2 August 2017

Vocatives: Distribution

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 159):
Another element that figures in the structure of the clause as exchange, but outside the scope of the Mood and Residue, is the Vocative. This also is fairly mobile, occurring (a) thematically; (b) at the boundary between Theme and Rheme (not usually between Mood and Residue) or (c) clause–finally; and with the same intonation patterns as the comment Adjuncts. The Vocative can accompany a clause of any mood, but it is relatively more frequent in ‘demanding’ clauses (interrogatives and imperatives) than in ‘giving’ ones (declaratives).

Tuesday, 1 August 2017

Conjunctive Adjuncts: Neither Mood Nor Residue

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 158):
But note that they form a constituent on their own; they are not part of the Mood or the Residue.