Logical Structure Of The Verbal Group: Primary & Secondary Tense

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 398-9):

The logical structure of the verbal group realises the system of tense. … Thus tense in English is a recursive system.  The primary tense is that functioning as Head, shown as α.  This is the Deictic tense: past, present or future relative to the speech event.  The modifying elements, at β and beyond, are secondary tenses; they express past, present or future relative to the time selected in the previous tense. … In naming the tenses, it is best to work backwards, beginning with the deepest and using the preposition in to express the serial modification.

Verbal Group: Limitations Of Experiential Labelling

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 398):

However, the structural labelling of the words that make up the verbal group is of limited value, not only because the meaning can be fully represented in terms of grammatical features (of tense, voice, polarity and modality), but also because it is the logical structure that embodies the single most important semantic feature of the English verb, its recursive tense system, and the elements of the logical structure are not in the individual words but certain rather more complex elements.

Verbal Group: Metafunctional Components

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 397-8):

Just as with the nominal group, therefore, there is no call to give a separate analysis corresponding to each of the three semantic components experiential, interpersonal, textual. The textual meaning is embodied in the ordering of the elements. The interpersonal meaning resides in the deictic features associated with finiteness — primary tense or modality — together with any attitudinal colouring that may be present in the lexical verb. And further systematic distinctions of both kinds may be realised by intonation and rhythm: contrast the neutral he hasn’t been working

// ^ he /hasn’t been /working //

with a variant such as he has not BEEN working

// ^ he has /not /been /working //

which has ‘marked negative (polarity)’ and ‘contrastive past (tense)’, as in Figure 6-14.

 

Verbal Group / Nominal Group Parallelism: Textual Motivation

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 397):

Initial position is thematic; and the natural theme of a process or participant is its relation to the here-&-now.  Final position is informative; and the newsworthy component of a process or participant is some aspect of its lexical content.  So the structure of groups recapitulates, in the fixed ordering of their elements, the meaning that is incorporated as choice in the message structure of the clause.

Verbal Group / Nominal Group Parallelism: Underlying Commonality

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 397):

Both verbal and nominal group begin with the element that ‘fixes’ the group in relation to the speech exchange; and both end with the element that specifies the representational content — the difference being that, since things are more highly organised than events, there are additional lexical elements in the nominal but none in the verbal group.

Verbal Group / Nominal Group Parallelism

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 397):

A striking feature of this structure is its parallelism with the nominal group. The verbal group begins with the Finite, which is the verbal equivalent of the Deictic, relating the process to the ‘speaker-now’; the Finite does so by tense or modality, whereas the Deictic does so by person or proximity, but each of these provides the orientation of the group. The verbal group ends with the Event, which is the verbal equivalent of the Thing; the former expresses a process, which may be an event, act of consciousness or relation, whereas the latter expresses an entity of some kind, but both represent the core of the lexical meaning.

Experiential Structure Of The Finite Verbal Group

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 397):

The experiential structure of the finite verbal group is Finite (standing for ‘Finite operator’) plus Event, with optional elements Auxiliary (one or more) and Polarity. Finite verbal groups range from short, one-word items such as ate, where the Finite is fused with the Event and there is no Auxiliary, to long strings like couldn’t have been going to be being eaten.

Verbal Group Viewed From Above And Below

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 396-7):

The verbal group is the constituent that functions as Finite plus Predicator (or as Predicator alone if there is no Finite element) in the mood structure (clause as exchange); and as Process in the transitivity structure (clause as representation). …

A verbal group is the expansion of a verb, in the same way that a nominal group is the expansion of a noun; and it consists of a sequence of words of the primary class of verb. If we consider has been eating just as a word sequence, it contains a lexical verb eat, which comes last; a finite verb has, which comes first; and an auxiliary verb been, which comes in between. No other ordering of these three components is possible. 

As with the nominal group, we can express this both as an experiential and as a logical structure. Because there is very much less lexical material in the verbal group — only one lexical item, in fact — the experiential structure is extremely simple; and most of the semantic load is carried by the logical structure, including the tense system.

Dissociation Of Head & Thing: Construal

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 396):

In all such nominal expressions where Head and Thing are not conflated although both are clearly present, what is being construed is a phenomenon that from one point of view appears as a single entity and from another point of view as two. Such expressions have their basis in the concrete realms of our experience, such as cups and coffee; they then become an extremely rich resource for construing the virtual entities that make up so much of the environment of our adult existence.

Extended Numerative: Type: Facet

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 395-6):

In expressions of facet such as the front of the house, the entire length of the narrative, the Head noun front, length is related in function to the preposition in a prepositional phrase: before/in front of the house, throughout the narrative. There is, in fact, a cline from one to the other: for example 

• at the summit of the hill (where summit is both Head and Thing) – 
• at/on the top of the hill – 
• on top of the hill – 
• (atop the hill —) 
• on the hill (where hill is both Head and Thing). 

In on top of the hill, on top of is a preposition group; here top has no Deictic, cannot be pluralised, and can be used with abstract Things (I think we’ve got on top of the problem). But at/on the top of the hill forms a prepositional phrase: the preposition is at or on; the top of the hill is the Complement, where top can be pluralised ((on) the tops of the hills), but not made abstract – we will not find on the top(s) of the problem(s). Here top is a facet term, and the analysis will be as in Figure 6-12.

Blogger Comments:

In Figure 6-12, 'Qualifier' (experiential) should be 'Postmodifier' (logical).

Extended Numerative: Type: Variety

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 395):

Those of variety include a few very general terms such as kind, sort, type; these are the expressions that have led to the use of kind of, sort of as little more than markers of hesitation in casual speech. The words example, instance, specimen sometimes function in a similar way, especially in exemplifying identifying clauses, e.g. a toad is an example of an amphibian, whereas with a word like kind the meaning of classification is embodied in the clause structure and is construed by the clause structure even where the classifying word is omitted (a toad is an amphibian).

Extended Numeratives: Measure Vs Type

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 395):

While measure items [aggregate, portion, quantum] delimit the Thing in terms of quantity, those of type [variety, facet, make-up] delimit it in terms of generality: some species of it, some aspect of it, or its composition.

Epithet And Head/Thing Dissociation

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 394-5):

A measure item may be followed by a fully elaborated nominal group, as in a cup of that good strong Indian tea. It often happens that the Epithet is transferred to the Head, as in a strong cup of tea, although clearly it is the tea that is strong, not the cup. Similarly: a bloody good cup of coffee. It is partly the rather ambivalent nature of this structure, in which Head and Thing are separated, that causes this to happen; but it also arises because in many instances the Epithet could apply equally well to either, as in a cloud of thick smoke, a thick cloud of smoke, which provides the model for a strong cup of tea. (Classifiers, on the other hand, do not get transferred; we do not say a brown slice of bread.) Sometimes the Epithet belongs more naturally with the Numerative, as in a large cup of tea; but even here one can never have an Epithet that characterises the item in question in any way other than its function as a Numerative – one cannot say a blue cup of tea to mean ‘a cup of tea in a blue cup’. Finally, it is not unusual to have an Epithet in both positions, as in a thick layer of powdery snow, a plastic cup of red, watery punch.

Extended Numerative vs Qualifier In Nominal Groups

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 394):

The word of is the generalised marker of a structural relationship between nominals. All these instances can be related to the different senses of of occurring in a Qualifier; e.g. (aggregate) the House of Lords, (portion) both Houses of Parliament, (quantum) a house full of treasure, (variety) a house of respite, (facet) the House of Windsor, (make-up) a house of three storeys. In all such examples, house is both Head and Thing. In measure/type expressions, on the other hand, the Head word has become partially grammaticalised; hence it is often phonologically weak (non-salient), and there is often indeterminacy about the location of other elements in the nominal group, such as plural markers and Epithets.

Dissociation Of Head & Thing: Extended Numeratives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 393, 394):

There is one other significant variety of nominal group that is construed in the same way, with the Head dissociated from the Thing and the two linked by of, as in a cup of coffee. We noted above that such expressions often figure as agnate to a ‘counted’ mass noun: a new polish/type of polish, three coffees/cups of coffee. These could be regarded as extended Numeratives, the Head being a word of measure or type. They can be represented as a matrix of two variables (see Table 6-11): (i) measure (quantity) / type (quality), (ii) the set relationship of Head to Thing (collective (Head > Thing), partitive (Head < Thing), quantitative (Head = Thing)). 

What all these have in common is that, while the Thing is the entity that is functioning as participant in the transitivity structure of the clause, the logical Head of the construction is something that constrains the entity in terms of the two variables mentioned above. It is the Head that determines the value of the entity in the mood system, and therefore as a potential Subject.

The Relationship Between Dissociated Head And Thing

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 393):

The relationship the Head and the Thing is either (1) an extending one or (2) an enhancing one: see Table 6-10.

(1) When the Head is conflated with the Deictic or the Numerative, the relationship between the Head and the Thing is an extending one: ‘Head is a subset of Thing’. 

(2) When the Head is conflated with the Epithet or the Classifier, the relationship between the Head and the Thing is an elaborating one (which is why this type of construction has been called appositive): ‘Head is Thing’.

Dissociation Of Head And Thing: Classifier As Head

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 393):

This occurs in examples … where the Head word specifies the class to which the Thing is said to belong.

The concept of an intercolonial exhibition was a new one …Mixer fell into the category of mutt, an English shepherd and something or the other. …

Dissociation Of Head And Thing: Epithet As Head

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 393):

This is a more restricted type in which the Head is almost always an attitudinal noun embodying some positive or more usually negative appraisal. This appraisal may be extended prosodically by adjectives modifying the attitudinal noun. For example:

I met this feisty, wonderful, paradoxical genius of a woman that I’m nuts about …
The Chronicle called it ‘a beached whale of a building’.
he has apparently been an absolute nightmare of a client
that some thieving bastard of a cop had walked off with his cigarettes
I had been dragging and pulling and tugging my stupid fool of a brother all the while

Dissociation Of Head And Thing: Numerative As Head

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 392-3):

This may be cardinative or ordinative, definite or indefinite:

these two women have always got loads of washing out, loads of tablecloths
and I think you’ve all four of you given your own subjective reactions to three of these four phenomena
And it may not be the last of the storms for Washington and the rest of the country.

Dissociation Of Head And Thing: Deictic As Head

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 392):

All non-specific Deictics can function as Head in this construction; note that a(n), no, every become one, none, every one, and weak some [sm] becomes some. For example:

I think we’re seeing another one of those periodic eruptions
Well, I get rather fed up of some of these youngsters and the claptrap they talk sometimes.
I can’t offer you any of Malcolm’s sherry because he hasn’t got much.

Dissociation Of Head And Thing

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 392):

But there is a further resource in the nominal group that combines these two potentialities, whereby Head and Thing are both present but are dissociated one from the other, not conflated. What happens here is that one of the pre-modifying functions is taken on by something that is itself a nominal group, in such a way that the Thing gets embedded in a prepositional phrase with of, which then functions as post-Head Qualifier, as in a cup of tea (see Figure 6-11). Of course, the two dimensions of structure are both present throughout; what we are showing here is the way the total meaning is construed by mapping the headhood of cup onto the thinghood of tea.

 

Where the Head is dissociated from the Thing in this way, it can be conflated with any of the premodifying functions. 

Premodifier: Word Complexes Vs Word Rank Embeddings

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 392):

The Premodifier may accommodate both hypotactic word complexes like a very much better argument, and word rank embeddings like a four-post bed, a left-handed batsman; including compressed phrases and clauses like your in-flight magazine, a never-to-be-forgotten experience. The word complexes derive from the potential for logical expansion built into the noun as Head; the embeddings from the functional scope of the experiential configuration into which the noun enters as Thing.

* In the first two editions of IFG, the Postmodifier also was brought into the scope of the logical representation. But this appears to complicate the description without adding further to its explanatory power.

Head/Thing As Fulcrum

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 392):

The complex functional entity formed by the conflation of Head and Thing acts as the fulcrum of the nominal group: before it, as Premodifier, a sequence of words having distinct experiential functions; after it, as Postmodifier, one or more embedded items which may be prepositional phrase or non-finite or finite clause.The Premodifier can then be interpreted in logical terms as a hypotactic word complex.

Substitute As Head/Thing

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 391):

With other Epithets, and with Classifiers, if the Thing is not made explicit it is realised as a substitute one/ones; for example, (he wants) a small one/a wooden one. The substitute is then both Head and Thing, as in Figure 6-10:

Epithet As Head

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 391):

There is one functional environment in which we regularly find Epithet as Head, namely when the nominal group occurs as Attribute, typically in an attributive relational clause. … This type of nominal group (sometimes referred to distinctively as ‘adjectival group’) is unique in that it is normally unable to function as Subject in the clause. … Other than this type, Epithets and Classifiers do not normally function as Head. The exception is the superlative, which in other ways also (for example, place in sequence) resembles a Numerative of the ordering kind rather than an Epithet …

Numerative or Deictic as Head Of Nominal Group

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 390-1):

We have assumed so far that the Head of the univariate structure is also always the Thing, in the multivariate structure. But this is not so. There is always a Head in the nominal group (unless it is ‘branched’, like one brown in one blue eye and one brown [Ø]); but there may be no Thing. It is quite normal to have Numerative or Deictic as Head, as in Figure 6-9:

Multivariate Structure [Definition]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 390):

By contrast, the type of structure exemplified by Deictic + Numerative + Epithet + Classifier + Thing we call a multivariate structure: a configuration of elements each having a distinct function with respect to the whole.

Univariate Structure [Definition]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 390):

What the logical analysis does is to bring out the hypotactic basis of premodification in the nominal group, which then also explains its penchant for generating long strings of nouns … .  We refer to this kind of structure as a univariate structure, one which is generated as an iteration of the same functional relationship: a is modified by b, which is modified by c, which is … .

Premodifier & Postmodifier

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 390):

The element following the Head is also a modifying element; we can distinguish the two positions by using the terms Premodifier and Postmodifier. The distinction is not a functional one, but depends on the rank of the modifying term; compare a weatherboard shack by the roadside with a roadside shack made out of weather board. These two are not synonymous, but the difference lies in the information structure: the item located at Postmodifier has the greater potential as news. But the Postmodifier does not itself enter into the logical structure, because it is not construed as a word complex.

Sub-Modification (Internal Bracketing): Possible Effects

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 389):

Within this logical structure there may be ‘sub-modification’: that is, internal bracketing … . Sub-modification may have the effect of disturbing the natural order of elements in the group; this accounts for additional items occurring before the Deictic, as in almost the last buttercup (rather than the almost last buttercup), such a bright moon (rather than a such bright moon), and also for displaced elements, as in not so very difficult a task (instead of a not so very difficult task).

Logical Subcategorisation In The Nominal Group

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 389):

The basis of the subcategorisation, of course, shifts as we move to the left: ‘what type of ...?’, ‘what quality of ...?’, ‘how many ...?’ and so on – this is the principle underlying the experiential structure. Here, however, we are not concerned with the differences but with the similarities: with the general relationship that runs throughout the pre-Head modification of the nominal group, whatever the experiential function of the individual elements.

Nominal Group As A Logical Structure: Modification (Subcategorisation)

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 388-9):

… seeing [the nominal group] as a logical structure … means seeing how it represents the generalised logical-semantic relations that are encoded in natural language. … for the purposes of the nominal group we need to take account of just one such relationship, that of subcategorisation: ‘a is subset of x’. This has usually been referred to in the grammar of the nominal group as modification …

Textual Metafunction & Nominal Group Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 387-8):

Textual meaning is embodied throughout the entire structure, since it determines the order in which the elements are arranged, as well as patterns of information structure just as in the clause (note for example that the unmarked focus of information in a nominal group is on the word that comes last, not the word that functions as Thing). 

This means that there is a certain potential for assigning experientially similar meanings different textual statuses within the structure of the nominal group. In particular, they may be presented either as Classifier or as Qualifier (e.g. wooden table ~ table of wood) and as either Deictic or as Qualifier (e.g. my brother’s house ~ house of my brother)*, with the Qualifier having the greater potential as news.

* And there are further possibilities; for example, Keats wrote A thing of beauty is a joy for ever with of beauty as Qualifier rather than A beautiful thing is a joy for ever with beautiful as Epithet.

Interpersonal Metafunction & Nominal Group Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 387):

Interpersonal meanings are embodied (a) in the person system, both as pronouns (person as Thing) and possessive determiners (person as Deictic); (b) in the attitudinal type of Epithet; (c) in connotative meanings of lexical items functioning in the group, and (d) in prosodic features such as swear-words and voice quality.

Experiential Metafunction & Clause Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 387):

To complete the triad, first proposed by Pike (1959), of ‘language as particle, wave and field’, the kind of meaning that is expressed in a particle-like manner is the experiential; it is this that gives us our sense of the building blocks of language.

Interpersonal Metafunction & Clause Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 387):

The interpersonal meanings are expressed by the intonation contour; by the ‘Mood’ block, which may be repeated as a tag at the end; and by expressions of modality which may recur throughout the clause. The pattern here is prosodic, ‘field’-like rather than wave-like.

Textual Metafunction & Clause Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 387):

The textual meaning of the clause is expressed by what is put first (the Theme); by what is phonologically prominent (and tends to be put last — the New, signalled by information focus); and by conjunctions and relatives which if present must occur in initial position. Thus it forms a wave-like pattern of periodicity that is set up by peaks of prominence and boundary markers.

Metafunction & Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 387):

… it is a general principle of linguistic structure that it is the experiential meaning that most clearly defines constituents. Interpersonal meanings tend to be scattered prosodically throughout the unit; while textual meanings tend to be realised by the order in which things occur, and especially by placing of boundaries. These are very general tendencies, worked out differently in every language but probably discernible in all.

Locating 'Thing' In Lexicogrammatical Space

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 386):

We can use these scales – countability, animacy, generality – as a way of locating the thing in lexicogrammatical space. A fourth factor, that of the metaphoric propensity of nouns (their potential for construing qualities and processes as things). Certain special classes of noun can be identified by reference to the grammar of process types: for example, nouns construing different types of projection. But a more detailed categorisation of things, in terms of their association with roles in the various process types, should emerge after more systematic investigation of the large-scale corpus data that are now available.

Cline Of Generality

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 386):

On this scale, the most general type of noun is in fact a pronoun, which is the limiting case of anaphoric generalisation … There is no clear grammaticalising towards the ‘particular’ end of the cline, though it is perhaps worth remarking that the function of Classifier in the nominal group provides the resource for expanding any class of thing into more particular subclasses.

Cline Of Animacy

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 385):

Here again the grammar makes a categorical distinction: (a) conscious things, which are those referred to as he/she, (b) non-conscious things, those referred to as it. … while there is a clear foundation in the world of experience, with people at one end and inanimate or abstract objects at the other, many things (like non-human animals) lie in between; and, as always, the grammar is free to construe the world as it pleases. 

The conscious/non-conscious distinction can also therefore be looked at as a cline; and it is one that has received a lot of attention in typological linguistics, under the name of animacy. This, as already remarked, refers to the likelihood of any thing to occur as Actor in a transitive material process, the ‘most animate’ in this sense being, obviously, post-infancy humans.

Cline Of Countability

Halliday & Matthiessen (2004: 326):

Mass nouns representing abstract things, and also things which are concrete but general, often move into the count category: experiences, researches, informations, fruits, furnitures are all relatively recent plural forms. We could think in terms of a cline of countability, ranging from those nouns (and pronouns) which construe things as fully itemised, at one end, to those which treat them as totally unbounded at the other.  Typically, living beings and concrete objects are itemised, abstract entities (and nominalised processes and qualities) are unbounded, with institutions and collectives falling in between.  But the distinction is made in the grammar, so the same entity may be construed in more than one way; e.g. hat(s) ~ headgear, fish(es) ~ fish, novel(s) ~ fiction.

Countability

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 385):

Things are represented in English as either (a) discrete, and therefore countable, or (b) continuous, and therefore uncountable; the grammar thus makes a categorical distinction into count nouns and mass nouns, such that count nouns select for NUMBER: singular/plural, while mass nouns do not. As pointed out above, mass nouns are treated as singular where the deixis is specific, e.g. do you like this poetry/this poem?, and as plural where the deixis is non-specific, e.g. I’ve written some poetry/some poems. 

The distinction is not quite as clear-cut as this suggests. Mass nouns are often itemised, and hence also pluralised; the meaning is either ‘a kind of’, as in I’ve found a new polish, or ‘an amount of’, as in three coffees please. There will then be an agnate expression having a measure/type word as Head: a new type of polish, three cups of coffee.

Functional Potential Of Nouns & Pronouns

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 385):

… we can identify a small number of vectors along which words capable of functioning as Thing are ordered in terms of the grammar, so that the functional potential of any one noun or pronoun will be suggested by its location on each of these vectors. These are:

1. countability: count/mass
2. animacy: conscious/non-conscious
3. generality: general/particular … 

We can use these scales — countability, animacy, generality — as a way of locating things in lexicogrammatical space.

Common Nouns: The Grammatical Relevance Of Traditional Categories

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 384):

There is a long tradition of characterising such phenomena, in grammar books, as a list of very general categories, for example ‘persons, other living beings, objects (concrete or abstract), collectives, institutions’. These are relevant grammatically because they relate to a cline of potential agency — that is, the likelihood of functioning as Actor/Agent in the clause; the most likely being persons (human nouns), and the least likely being concrete objects.

Common Nouns: Names For Classes Of Things

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 384):

Common nouns … are nouns that are common (ie generalised) to a class of referents. These name all the classes of phenomena that the language admits as things, and hence as participants in processes of any kind.

Personal Pronoun And Proper Noun

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 384):

Personal pronouns and proper names are alike in that, for both, the reference is typically unique. With pronouns, the referent is defined interpersonally, by the speech situation. With proper names it is defined experientially: there exists only one, at least in the relevant body of experience. In both cases, this means that typically there is no further specification; pronouns and proper names usually occur without any other elements of the nominal group. Sometimes they need further defining, like you in the back row, Henry the Eighth (this was how surnames started, as Qualifiers of personal names); and they may carry attitudinal Epithets, like poor Tom – cf. pretty little Polly Perkins of Paddington Green, which has both.

Personal Pronoun As Thing

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 383):

The personal pronoun represents the world according to the speaker, in the context of a speech exchange. The basic distinction is into speech rôles (I, you) and other rôles (he, she, it, they); there is also the generalised pronoun (one).

Thing: Realisation

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 383):

The element we are calling Thing is the semantic core of the nominal group. It may be common noun, proper noun or (personal) pronoun.

Qualifier In Incongruent Nominal Groups

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 383):

In an incongruent nominal group corresponding to a congruent clause, Qualifiers correspond to participants or circumstances in the transitivity structure of the clause; or when the Head/Thing of the nominal group is a nominalisation of a verb of sensing or saying, they may correspond to projected clauses in a clause nexus.

Carnation has been available in the UK since 1946, but the main marketing effort dates only from 1954 with the removal [of restrictions [on sales] ].
THE decision [by the Arbitration Commission] [[ to award the 2.3 percent pay increase]] is unfortunate, but it was to be expected.
This is the real meaning of the US Senate’s decision [last week] [[ to override any possibility of a presidential veto for real, hard-hitting sanctions against the separate, increasingly desperate tribes [[ that make up the political entity of South Africa]] ]] .

As the examples illustrate, participants reconstrued as Qualifiers are realised by prepositional phrases with either of or by; circumstances are realised in the same way that they would be realised in clauses, by either prepositional phrases or adverbial groups.

Defining Vs Non-Defining Relative Clause

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 383):

A clause functioning as Qualifier in the nominal group is referred to as a relative clause; more specifically, as a defining relative clause (in contrast to a non-defining relative clause, which is not embedded but hypotactically dependent).

Nominal Group As Qualifier

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 382):

It is also possible for a nominal group to function as Qualifier inside the structure of another nominal group, for example my brother the lawyer, where the lawyer defines which brother is being referred to. Such instances typically have a possessive determiner as the Deictic element.

Qualifier: Nature Of The Characterisation

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 382):

But the characterisation here is in terms of some process in which the Thing is, directly or indirectly, a participant. It may be a major process — that is, a clause, finite or non-finite; or a minor process — a prepositional phrase. … The non-finite clause may appear in this environment with no verb present, eg the poles with flags on …

Qualifier: Function

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 382):

Like the other, ‘ranking’ (i.e. not embedded) elements of the nominal group, the Qualifier also has the function of characterising the Thing; and again the Deictic the serves to signal that the characteristic in question is defining.

The Term ‘Embedded’ In SFL

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 382):

We may also use the term ‘embedded’, taken from formal grammars; but with the proviso that this term is often used to cover both rank shift (where the item is downgraded as a constituent) and hypotaxis (where the item is dependent on another one but is not a constituent of it …). Here we shall use embedded only as an alternative term synonymous with rankshifted.

Adjectives After The Thing Element

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 382n):

Adjectives and nouns can occur after the Thing in wordings borrowed from languages where Epithets and Classifiers follow the Thing, e.g. professor emeritus, salade Niçoise; and this may be used to give a person a foreign flavour, as with Agatha Christie’s linguistic portrayal of Hercule Poirot: a crime most horrible. However, certain types of adjective also appear after the Thing as part of the pattern of the nominal group in English; they often include a sense of potentiality. There are reasons for interpreting these as Qualifier rather than as Epithet or Classifier. Bolinger (1967) drew attention to contrasts such as a navigable river and a river navigable, and his suggestions have been followed up in the literature (see e.g. McCawley, 1988: Ch. 12; Blöhdorn, 2009). The sequence with Thing: noun ^ Qualifier: adjective is much less common than the sequence with the adjective before the Thing, but it does occur, e.g.:

Throughout the U.S., there are more than 30,000 miles of waterways navigable by small boats.;
So did the idea of making the Danube a river fully navigable by large vessels.;
It was the best solution possible.

The sense is that of a Qualifier rather than that of an Epithet or Classifier, and it would be possible to interpret such adjectives as Attributes in reduced intensive attributive relative clauses, as in a river that is fully navigable by large vessels, and, by a further step (‘unpacking’ the potential form of the adjective), a river that can be fully navigated by large vessels.

Blogger Comment:

Note that these reasons are not provided.

Rank–Shifted Vs Ranking [Definition]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 382):

With only rare exceptions, all Qualifiers are rank–shifted. What this means is that position following the Thing is reserved for those items which, in their own structure, are of a rank higher than or at least equivalent to that of the nominal group; on these grounds, therefore, they would not be expected to be constituents of a nominal group. Such items are said to be ‘rank–shifted’, by contrast with ranking ones which function prototypically as constituents of the higher unit.

Qualifier: Realisation

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 381):

Unlike the elements that precede the Thing, which are words (or sometimes word complexes …), what follows the Thing is either a phrase or a clause.

From Less To More Permanent Attribute

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 381):

By and large, the more permanent the attribute of a Thing, the less likely it is to identify it in a particular context. So we proceed with the very impermanent, quantitative characterisation that is nearest to a Deictic, e.g. three in three balls; through various qualitative features such as new in new ball; and end up with the most permanent, the assignment to a class, e.g. tennis ball. Within the qualitative characteristics, if more than one is specified there is, again, a tendency to more from the less permanent to the more permanent; e.g. a new red ball rather than a red new ball.

From Most To Least Identifying Potential

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 381):

So the principle which puts the Theme first in the clause is the same as that which puts the Deictic first in the nominal group: start by locating the Thing in relation to the here–&–now — in the space–time context of the ongoing speech event. From there we proceed to elements which have successively less identifying potential — which, by the same token, are increasingly permanent as attributes.

Ordering Principle Common To Nominal Group And Clause

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 381):

… there is a progression in the nominal group from the kind of element that has the greatest specifying potential to that which has the least; and this is the principle of ordering that we have already recognised in the clause. In the clause, the Theme comes first. We begin by establishing relevance: stating what it is that we are using to introduce this clause into the discourse, as ‘this is where I’m starting from’ — typically, though by no means necessarily, something that is already ‘given’ in the context. In the nominal group, we begin with the Deictic: ‘first I’ll tell you which I mean’, your, these, any, a, etc.

The Experiential Pattern Embodied In Nominal Group Structure

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 380-1):

We can now follow the experiential pattern that is embodied in nominal group structure. Proceeding from left to right, we begin with the immediate context, the identification of the item in terms of the here-&-now, e.g. those trains ‘the trains you can see over there’. Of course, this identification is often in terms of the surrounding text rather than the situation, e.g. those trains ‘the trains you’ve just been talking about’; but the point of reference is still the speech event. 

From there we go on to quantitative features: place in order, and number. These are less naturally definitive than this or that, mine or yours, but more so than a merely qualitative attribute; and the ordinals, being the more definitive of the two, come first. An ordinal is a kind of superlative cardinal: third = ‘three-est’, i.e. identified by being at number three. 

Next come the qualitative features, again with superlatives preceding others: the oldest trains ‘trains for which oldness is the identifying feature’. Often there is an intensifier, such as very, or an attitudinal element like nice, terrible as a marker of the quality. 

Finally, comes class membership; this reduces the size of the total set referred to in the noun by specifying a sub-set, e.g. passenger train ‘kind of train that is for carrying passengers’. 

We are talking here, it should be made clear, of the identifying potential of these elements. In any actual instance, the item in question may or may not be identifying; and this is the function of the word the at the beginning of the group – to signal that something that is capable of identifying is actually functioning in this way. 

So there is a progression in the nominal group from the kind of element that has the greatest specifying potential to that which has the least;

Verb Participle As Epithet Or Classifier In Incongruent Nominal Groups

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 380):

Often the participle is itself further modified, as in a fast-moving train, a hard-boiled egg. The resulting compound may embody any one of a number of different experiential relations, e.g. well-meaning, habit-forming, fund-raising, right-angled, fruit-flavoured, pear-shaped, architect-designed, simple-minded, bottled-nosed, iron-fisted, two-edged. 

What is happening here is that some part of the experiential structure of a clause is being downgraded to function as Epithet or Classifier; it is a reduced form of a non-finite clause and hence agnate to a (finite or non-finite) Qualifier.

Cliché Nominal Groups: Participle As Classifier Or Epithet?

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 380):

Note finally that the fact that a particular expression is a cliché does not imply that the modifying element is necessarily a Classifier – the ‘permanence’ is merely a feature of the wording! Thus in a considered opinion, a heated argument, the promised land, a going concern, the verbs are all Epithets: ‘which has been considered’, ‘which has become heated’, ‘which has been promised’, ‘which is going [well]’.

Verb Participle: Epithet vs Classifier

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 380):

It is natural that the more lasting attribute should tend to have a classifying function. But the present participle as Classifier does not exclude the sense of ‘which is ... ing’, as in the rising/setting sun; and conversely, the past participle as Epithet does not always carry the meaning of ‘which has been ...’, since many such forms are in fact adjectives, as in a haunted house, a crowded train. 

The same word may be now one, now the other: in Would you like a boiled egg? boiled is Classifier, ‘which gets boiled’, contrasting with fried, poached or scrambled; while in You must drink only boiled water here, boiled is Epithet ‘which has been boiled’. 

In He got stuck in a revolving door, either interpretation is possible: Classifier ‘of the kind which revolves’, Epithet ‘which was revolving’ (cf. fast trains above).

Verb Functioning As Epithet vs Classifier

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 379):

When functioning as Epithet, these forms usually have the sense of the finite tense to which they are most closely related: the present participle means ‘which is (was/will be) ... ing’, the past participle means ‘which has (had/will have) been ... ed’. When functioning as Classifier, they typically have the sense of a simple present, active or passive: present (= active) ‘which ... s’, past (= passive) ‘which is ... ed’. 

If however the verb is one which does not normally take the ‘present in present’ tense be ... ing (i.e. a verb expressing a mental or relational process), the distinction between ‘which ... s’ and ‘which is ... ing’ is neutralised;

Functions Of Verbs In The Nominal Group

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 379):

Other words also enter into the nominal group, namely words of the class verb, which may function as Epithet or Classifier. Verbs function in the nominal group in one of two forms:

(i) present (active) participle, V-ing, e.g. losing, as in a losing battle;
(ii) past (passive, or intransitive) participle, V-en, e.g. lost, as in a lost cause.

Word Class: Nominal

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 379):

These word classes — noun (= common noun), adjective, numeral and determiner — are all different kinds of noun; they are subclasses of this one primary class. This larger class can be referred to as ‘nominals’, to avoid confusion with ‘noun’ in its narrower, more specific sense.

Typical Word Classes Realising Nominal Group Functions

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 379):

The classes of word which most typically realise these functions are as follows:

But there are other possibilities: for example, numeral occurring as Classifier, as in first prize, or embedded nominal group as possessive Deictic, e.g. the day before yesterday’s paper.

Possessive Deictic vs Classifier: Determination

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 378):

Unlike nominal groups embedded as possessive Deictics, nouns serving as Classifier have no determination system, so they do not refer to particular participants only to generalised ones: contrast the Minister’s decision with ministerial decision.

Blogger Comment:

Note that 'refer' here has the sense of ideational denotation, rather than that of reference in the cohesive sense.  The two senses are confused in Martin (1992) and Matthiessen here helps to maintain that confusion.

Classifier In Incongruent Nominal Groups

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 378):

In an incongruent nominal group corresponding to a congruent clause, the Classifier may correspond to either a participant or circumstance in the transitivity structure of the clause; for example:

I would have thought the entry of the Americans into the war, the British and French efforts, and the losses sustained in Ludendorf’s final offensive had something to do with it,

Classifier + Thing Vs Compound Noun

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 378):

A sequence of Classifier + Thing may be so closely bonded that it is very like a single compound noun, especially where the Thing is a noun of a very general class … In such sequences the Classifier often carries the tonic prominence, which makes it sound like the first element in a compound noun. … the line between a compound noun and a nominal group consisting of Classifier + Thing is very fuzzy and shifting, which is why people are often uncertain how to write such sequences, whether as one word, as two words, or joined by a hyphen …

Classifier: Range Of Semantic Relations

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 377):

The range of semantic relations that may be embodied in a set of items functioning as Classifier is very broad; it includes material, scale and scope, purpose and function, status and rank, origin, mode of operation — more or less any feature that may serve to classify a set of things into a system of smaller sets …

Classifier Vs Epithet: Reflections In The Grammar [Diagnostic]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 377):

The line between Epithet and Classifier is not a very sharp one, but there are significant differences. Classifiers do not accept degrees of comparison or intensity – we cannot have a more electric train or a very electric train; and they tend to be organised in mutually exclusive and exhaustive sets – a train is either electric, steam or diesel.

Classifier: Function

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 377):

The Classifier indicates a particular subclass of the thing in question, e.g. electric trains, passenger trains, toy trains. Sometimes the same word may function either as Epithet or as Classifier, with a difference in meaning: e.g. fast trains may mean either ‘trains that go fast’ (fast = Epithet) or ‘trains classified as expresses’ (fast = Classifier).

Interpersonal Epithets: Reflections In The Grammar

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 377):

Interpersonal Epithets also tend to be reinforced by other words, or other features, all contributing to the same meaning: synonyms … , intensifiers, swear–words, particular intonation contours, voice quality features and the like.

Adjectives Of Interpersonal Quality: Epithet Vs Post–Deictic

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 377):

As we have seen, many of them may also occur as post-Deictic; in that case their deictic function consists rather in referring to, or even in constructing, an occasion of shared experience as in a miserable few dishes of peanuts. But whereas with adjectives of experiential quality the difference between Epithet and post–Deictic is rather clear (e.g. the three famous musketeers, the famous three musketeers), with the interpersonal ones the difference is much less, and there is no sense of ambiguity in the meaning (contrast those lovely two evenings in Bali and those two lovely evenings in Bali).

Experiential Vs Interpersonal Epithet: Reflections In The Grammar

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 376-7):

The principal difference is that experiential Epithets are potentially defining, whereas interpersonal ones are not. … Even in the superlative …

Note that, in general, the same word may act as either experiential or interpersonal Epithet … there are very few words that serve only an attitudinal function.

Interpersonal Epithets tend to precede experiential ones.

Epithet: Experiential vs Attitudinal

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 376):

The Epithet indicates some quality of the subset, e.g. old, long, blue, fast; since qualities are denoted by adjectives, Epithets are often realised by adjectives. … (i) The quality of the subset may be an objective property of the thing itself, construed as a depiction of the experience of the entity that it represents; or (ii) it may be an expression of the speaker’s subjective attitude towards it, e.g. splendid, silly, fantastic. We refer to these as (i) experiential Epithets and (ii) interpersonal, or attitudinal Epithets, respectively. … 

There is no hard and fast line between these two; but the former are experiential in function, whereas the latter, expressing the speaker’s attitude, represent an interpersonal element in the meaning of the nominal group (thus contributing to appraisal, in the sense of Martin & White, 2005).

Incongruent Nominal Groups: Conjunctive Adjunct As Numerative

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 375):

In an incongruent nominal group that stands as a metaphoric variant of a clause, the Numerative may correspond to a conjunction; for example, subsequent jungle travel can be reworded as a congruent clause: subsequently it travelled through the jungle.

Exactitude

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 375):

An inexact Numerative expression may be exact in the context; for example, just as many trains (‘as mentioned before’), the next train (‘from now on’). On the other hand, an exact Numerative expression may be made inexact by submodification, as in about ten trains, almost the last train.

Ordinatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 375, 380-1):

The ordering Numeratives (or ‘ordinatives’) specify either an exact place in order (ordinal numerals, e.g. the second train) or an inexact place (e.g. a subsequent train). …

An ordinal is a kind of superlative cardinal: third = ‘three-est’; that is, identified by being at number three.

Quantitatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 375):

The quantifying Numeratives (or ‘quantitatives’) specify either an exact number (cardinal numerals e.g. two trains) or an inexact number (e.g. many trains, lots of trains).

Numerative: Function

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 374-5):

The Numerative element indicates some numerical feature of the particular subset of the Thing: either quantity or order, either exact or inexact. Items serving as Numerative are exemplified in Table 6-9. 

Post–Deictics: Space–Time

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 374):

Post–Deictic items referring to space–time [e.g. above, aforementioned, earlier, preceding; subsequent, future] may alternatively be interpreted as a type of Numerative expressing place in order.

Incongruent Nominal Groups: Interpersonal Adjunct As Post-Deictic

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 374):

In an incongruent nominal group, the post-Deictic may correspond to an interpersonal Adjunct in the related congruent clause. For example, in

Immediately, the religious groups of the city were embroiled in an angry dispute over the alleged invasion of a man’s right to freedom of religious belief and conscience.

the incongruent nominal group the alleged invasion of a man’s right to freedom of religious belief and conscience corresponds to the more congruent clause allegedly a man’s right ... was invaded, where allegedly serves as a comment Adjunct.

Attitudinal Post–Deictics

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 373):

Also found in the post–Deictic position in the nominal group are words expressing the speaker’s attitude (to the thing, or else to the world in general), such as wretched, miserable, lovely, splendid, as in those lovely two evenings in Bali. …

The attitude may be focused on the number represented by the Numerative (with a singular determiner a(n) as Deictic and a plural noun as Thing):

For a lousy two weeks in New Jersey, you’ll make a shitload of dough.

Post–Deictics: Realisation

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 373-4):

These can be interpreted in terms of (1) the categories of expansion and (2) the categories of projection. The words occurring as post–Deictic are adjectives, and may also occur in the function of Epithet but with a different sense; those that frequently occur as post-Deictic are shown in Table 6-8.

Post–Deictic [Function]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 373):

In addition to the Deictic element we have just discussed, there may be a second Deictic element in the nominal group, one which adds further to the identification of the subset in question. We will refer to these as post-Deictic or Deictic₂. 

The post–Deictic identifies a subset of the class of ‘thing’ by referring to its fame or familiarity, its status in the text, or its similarity/dissimilarity to some other designated subset.

The Deixis Of Nominal Groups Denoting A Class

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 370-1):

In contrast, when a nominal group refers to a class, the use of determiners as Deictic is more constrained. For example, while this dying elephant and this elephant are both possible as anaphoric references to a particular member of the class of elephant, only the elephant would normally be possible as a reference to the general class of elephants. In addition, certain options that are quite distinct as references to members of a class are much closer in meaning as references to the class itself; these are marked [1], [2] and [3] in Table 6-7.

Blogger Comment:

Note that Matthiessen here again follows Martin (1992) in blurring the distinction between reference in the sense of ideational denotation and reference in the sense of textual cohesion.  Nominal groups  can denote classes or their members (ideational metafunction); in anaphoric reference, a reference item refers to a referent, creating cohesion (textual metafunction).

The Deixis Of Nominal Groups Denoting A Member Of A Class

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 369-70):

When a given nominal group refers to a member or members of a class – i.e. to a particular thing or set of things, the full ranges of specific and non-specific determiners can serve as Deictic and the values within the specific and non-specific number systems are quite distinct. Thus, when they refer to members of the class of elephant, an elephant, the elephants and elephants are not interchangeable; for example:

After four months, on New Year’s Eve, Russell reportedly proposed while on an elephant in India. 

Do you suppose I’m going to find an elephant walking about the streets of London? 

An African elephant lay dying alongside a well-traveled trail. Researchers noted that 38 elephants made a total of 56 visits to the dying elephant – including six visits by her mother and sister. After the elephant died, 54 individuals made 73 visits to her corpse – none by her mother and sister.

Here we could not replace an elephant in Russell reportedly proposed while on an elephant in India with the elephant or elephants. These alternatives would have quite different meanings. Typically, the member of a class is introduced by a non-specific reference, e.g. an African elephant, and once it has been introduced into the discourse, it is referred to again anaphorically by specific nominal groups, as with the dying elephant, the elephant (or, pronominally, it).

Blogger Comments:

Note that Matthiessen is using 'refer' here in two distinct senses: ideational denotation and textual reference, without acknowledging the distinction.  This is not helpful, given the confusion of the two senses in Martin (1992).

To be clear, the determiner an in an African elephant realises non-specific deixis, not non-specific reference (the).  The indefinite article is not a reference item (Halliday 1985: 295; Halliday 1994: 313; Halliday & Matthiessen 2004: 556; Halliday & Matthiessen 2014: 629).  In confusing deixis with reference, Matthiessen is following Martin (1992).

Determination: Number, Non-Specific vs Specific, Particular vs General

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 369-70):

The two different number systems operating with specific and non-specific determination apply to all nominal groups, but the typical range of determiners and the semantic patterns of agnation depend on whether a given nominal group refers to 

(i) a member or members of a class (particular reference) or to 

(ii) to a class to which members belong (general, or ‘generic’, reference): see Table 6-7.

Blogger Comment:

Note that this is 'reference' in the sense of ideational denotation, not in the sense of cohesion — nominal groups don't refer in the cohesive sense.  Matthiessen here risks imparting the same confusion found in Martin's (1992) model of IDENTIFICATION (reference as semantic choice).

No Deictic Element In A Nominal Group [System Value Realised By Absent Structural Token]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 369):

If there is no Deictic element, the nominal group is non-specific and, within that, non-singular.*  In other words, a nominal group may have no Deictic element in its structure, but this does not mean it has no value in the Deictic system — simply that the value selected is realised by a form having no Deictic in the expression.

* The forms trains and some trains, as in there are (some) trains on the track, are not in fact identical. But the distinction is a more delicate one, and for the purpose of this analysis they will be treated as variant expressions of the same category.