Tuesday, 31 December 2019

Facts Embedded In Mental Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 542):
There is no mental process corresponding to fact or chance, no implication of a conscious participant that is doing the projecting. Unlike nominal groups with nouns of projection, nominal groups with fact nouns are not nominalisations of projection nexuses. A fact, as already pointed out, is an impersonal projection.
However, it is possible for a fact to enter into a ‘mental’ process clause without being projected by it. In this case it functions as a Phenomenon within the mental process clause. For example:
The fact [[that he rides in such exalted company]] will not deter Scott. 
With the heavy expenditure on new rating, plus a new street costing 1,000,000, the cost of the Pump Room, new Municipal Offices, and so on, the eventual rates are likely to deter people from coming to live in the town, as they would probably be influenced more by excessively high rates than by the fact [[that there was a luxury swimming bath for use in winter]]. 
He overlooked the fact [[that Ceylon had to be governed not only in the first few years after independence but for all time]]; and this raises several questions. 
Sternberg himself photographed the film, revelling in such pure artificiality, regretting only [[that he had to use real water]]. 
You know I smoke and I hate it. I hate [[that I do it]]. And I’m at that point where I have to make the decision. I can’t go on any longer with it.

Monday, 30 December 2019

Facts Embedded In Existential Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 542):
Another, minor but significant, environment in which fact clauses occur is that of ‘existential’ clauses (an environment favoured by evidence):
There is evidence [[that the Russians were just as surprised as anyone else at the suddenness and violence of them]], but it is, of course, a situation ideal for exploitation. 
If the serum of a D negative individual agglutinates the D positive but not the D negative control cells, there is a high probability [[that the serum contains anti-D]], but the specificity should be confirmed by testing against several more examples of D-positive and D-negative red cells.

Sunday, 29 December 2019

Facts Embedded In Personal Attributive Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 542):
However, we also need to take note of ‘attributive’ clauses where the Carrier is realised by a nominal group denoting a person and the Attribute is a nominal group with an embedded fact clause, either ‘possessive’ with a noun as Head (e.g. idea, notion, inkling [[that ...]]) or ‘intensive’ with an adjective as Head of the nominal group (e.g. sure, certain, aware, cognisant, oblivious (of the fact) [[that ...]]); for example:
They would have no idea [[[that the current British theatrical renaissance is having an effect far beyond the West End of London, || so that Broadway is heavily influenced by the highly successful plays of today [[that it has imported from Britain]] ]]]. 
However, I am not sure [[that [[what probabilists and what physicists mean here by ‘fields’ ]] are quite synonymous]].
These ‘personal’ ‘attributive’ clauses are closely agnate with projecting ‘mental’ clauses: they have no idea ~ they don’t know, I’m not sure ~ I don’t know.

Saturday, 28 December 2019

Fact Clause Serving As Token In An Identifying Clause

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 541-2):
In an ‘identifying’ clause, the fact clause serving as Token is identified with a Value realised by a nominal group with a noun as Head that typically belongs to the class of fact nouns; this fact noun may itself be qualified by an embedded fact clause. The Value is an interpretation of the fact clause, identifying it as a particular fact of some class of fact such as reason, problem, lesson, difficulty. … the Value nominal group may include an Epithet (thorniest, most important, plain … ; cf. obvious, indisputable, appalling, significant, simple, mere) assessing the fact represented by the Token (in the same way as Epithets within Attributes do) or a Numerative (cf. first, next, last). This latter is important in the development of discourse, being agnate with an internal temporal conjunction (cf. thirdly, the supreme interest for the whole world ...): the enumerated Value is the thematic point of departure of the clause and this Theme locates the clause as a message in the unfolding text.

Friday, 27 December 2019

Attributes Ascribed To A Fact Clause Serving As Carrier

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 540-1):
In an ‘attributive’ clause, the Attribute ascribed to the fact clause serving as Carrier is realised by a nominal group with an adjective or noun as Head belonging to one of a small number of classes. These are illustrated in Table 7-27. Several of the types are similar to classes of interpersonal Adjunct and two of them can also be related to types of sensing in ‘mental’ clauses.³⁴ We shall return to this area in Chapter 10, Section 10.3.1, showing that certain ‘attributive’ clauses with fact clauses as Carrier and Attributes of assessment form part of the realisation of a semantic system of assessment. The nouns in it is include fact nouns such as fact, idea, but they also include nouns of evaluation such as pity, shame, nuisance that are less likely to function as Head/Thing in nominal groups with a fact clause as Postmodifier/Qualifier.
³⁴ The ‘attributive’ clause may have an agnate ‘mental’ clause of the “please” type: it is surprising (to me) that ... ~ it surprises me that ...; the equivalent of the Senser in the ‘mental’ clause is a circumstance of Angle

Thursday, 26 December 2019

The Typical Environment For A Fact

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 540):
Other than with impersonals such as it is said, it is rumoured, it seems, the typical environment for a fact is a ‘relational’ process clause of the ‘intensive’ type, either ‘attributive’ or ‘identifying’, e.g.
Earl Russell says it is inevitable, though profoundly regrettable, [[that the agitation against the Polaris base has generated some antagonism to the policy of the United States]].
In that article, it’s no coincidence [[that I have a big fight with Twain and Eliot]], || because I disagree with them on issues [[that concern all of us]].
Until 1940 it was an observable fact [[that there were composers whose music was highly prized in some countries and entirely neglected by their neighbours]], and this was explained by the difference in national characters.
It is clear [[that the Princess and her husband are settling down in London]] and for this purpose, Kensington Palace is well suited.
[attributed variant] 
The Federal Government has made it clear [[that it would have no part in any project for the development of long-range missiles – which in any case would contravene the provisions of the Brussels treaty]].
The third reason is [[that the supreme interest for the whole world – East and West and uncommitted nations – is the prevention of nuclear war]].
The lesson [[that’s learned]] is [[that they aren’t Kangan]]; Kangan is everybody, as represented by the people gathered in Beatrice’s apartment at the end of the novel. [Text 16]Perhaps the most important point of all is the fact [[that capital was available for expansion as required]].
The plain fact is [[[that it is extremely difficult [[for MPs to accept invitations from foreign Governments, or from public relations organisations [[working for them]] ]], || without being compromised]]].
[identifying clause of proving] 
But the fact [[that they are caught]] proves [[that they do not lift above the headline]].
Here the fact is an embedded clause standing as a nominalisation on its own, functioning as the realisation of an element in the relational process clause (Carrier or Identifier/Token, in these examples).³³ Since it is embedded, there is always an agnate version where the fact clause serves as a Qualifier of a noun of the ‘fact’ class, e.g. the fact that Caesar was ambitious.
³³ Strictly speaking the embedded ‘fact’ clause functions as Head of a nominal group which, in turn, functions as an element in the ranking clause. This analysis shows how clauses serving as Head are agnate with clauses serving as Postmodifier in nominal groups with a fact noun as Head: that Caesar was ambitious is obvious: the fact that Caesar was ambitious is obvious. But since a fact clause functioning as Head takes up the whole of that nominal group we can just as well leave out that stage in the structural analysis and show it as directly embedded into the clause.

Wednesday, 25 December 2019

Impersonal Projections Of Facts

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 539):
While there is no participant doing the projecting – no Sayer or Senser – a fact may be projected impersonally, either by a relational process (‘it is the case that ...’) or by an impersonal mental or verbal process, as in
[i] relational
it is/may be/is not (the case) that ...
it happens (to be the case) that ...
it has been shown/can be proved (to be the case) that ...
it happened/came about that ...
[ii] mental: impersonal
it seems/appears/is thought (to be the case) that ...
[iii] verbal: impersonal
it is said/rumoured (to be the case) that ...
Here the it is not a participant in the projecting process but is simply a Subject placeholder; hence the fact clause can occupy its position at the front: that Caesar was ambitious is certainly the case/is widely held/is generally believed, etc. By contrast we do not normally say that Caesar was ambitious was thought/said by Brutus – at least not in a reporting context, only in the special sense of ‘these lines were spoken by ...’; and this is because, as we have seen, where there is a personal projecting process, mental or verbal, the clause that is projected by it is not embedded but hypotactic.

Blogger Comments:

Lest this wording be misunderstood, the impersonal projection of a fact occurs within a single clause, since the fact is embedded; the projection is not a relation between ranking clauses in a clause complex.

Tuesday, 24 December 2019

A Fact Clause Serving As Head In A Nominal Group

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 538-9):
A fact clause serving as Head in a nominal group without a fact noun can be related to the first class of fact noun – that of ‘cases’, since such a fact clause is always agnate with an expanded nominal group with fact as Head. Whether the nominal group has a fact noun as Head or not, the fact clause is embedded. Because there is no projecting process involved, to which it could be paratactically or hypotactically related, a fact can appear only in embedded form: either as Qualifier to a ‘fact’ noun, or as a nominalisation on its own (Figure 7-23); for example:
Historically, the fact is [[[that Uncle Tom’s Cabin was the most popular novel of the nineteenth || century and had a huge effect on American history]]].

Monday, 23 December 2019

Fact Nouns And Reference

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 538):
Like nouns of projection, fact nouns can be used anaphorically (or cataphorically) to create cohesion in discourse; for example:
Warwick Town Council originally decided to build its own crematorium, but in April last year it abandoned the idea and entered into a joint scheme with Leamington Town Council and Warwick Rural District Council. 
The Bill is short and modest in scope, and it is doubtful whether the other Private Members’ Bills in the offing will fill all the gaps. This fact may give the Government an extra excuse for counselling patience until the next report from the Molony committee. 
In the first place our business is foreign policy, and it is the business of the Presidential leadership and his appointees in the Department to consider the domestic political aspects of a problem. Mr Truman emphasised this point by saying, ‘You fellows in the Department of State don’t know much about domestic politics’.
Here a passage of text is picked up by anaphoric reference, as in the case of text reference by means of this and that on their own; but fact nouns add a classification and often an assessment (which may be supported by post-Deictics or Epithets) of the discursive antecedent:
There is a subdued aspect of the current political voices: with all the tension generated by the electoral process, it is only a means to an end. The end actually is the transformation in the quality of lives of the people. We must never lose focus of this as an issue. This obvious point can certainly not be over-emphasised.

Blogger Comments:

Here again Matthiessen misrepresents Halliday's model of cohesive reference.  Like nouns of projection, fact nouns do not refer anaphorically or cataphorically.  It is the reference item that precedes the noun (the, this etc.) that refers.  The absence of a reference function of a noun can be made obvious by simply removing the reference item that precedes it, and trying to identify the referent of the noun.

To be clear, any classification or assessment of a fact noun is made through nominal group structure, and is distinct from the system of cohesive reference.

Sunday, 22 December 2019

Facts: Assessment

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 537-8):
The ‘fact’ noun serving as Head/Thing of the nominal group may thus embody a form of assessment of the projected clauses serving as Postmodifier/Qualifier – assessment involving modalisation. Premodifiers may provide further assessments of the projected clause, either as attitudinal Epithet (e.g. painful, interesting, obvious; cf. good in good chance above) or as post-Deictic (e.g. alleged), e.g.
‘The U.S. government has to come to terms with the painful fact [[that the good old days [[when it could just borrow its way out of messes of its own making]] are finally gone]],’ Xinhua wrote. 
It’s an interesting fact [[[that, <<compared with other countries, >> Australians are not very heavy drinkers]]]. 
The alledged (sic) fact [[that a motor breakes (sic) more easily under moderated modifications]] isn’t a symptom of anything going wrong with it –# just that the stock setup/tune is closer to its limits than it used to be. 
No one would like to contend the blatantly obvious fact [[that thought and consciounsness (sic) do not fall into the category of material objects according to the current definitions of matter]].
These often correspond to comment Adjuncts in ‘declarative’ clauses (e.g. interestingly, Australians are not ...); but unlike statements realised by ‘declarative’ clauses, facts are not open to direct challenge in dialogic interaction.

Saturday, 21 December 2019

Facts: Cases vs Chances vs Proofs

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 537):
The first three differ in terms of modality of the subtype modalisation:
(1) cases (nouns of simple fact) relate to ordinary non-modalised propositions ‘it is (the case) that ... ’ 
(2) chances (nouns of modality) relate to modalised propositions ‘it may be (the case) that ... ’ 
(3) proofs (nouns of indication) relate to propositions with indications, which are equivalent to caused modalities, ‘this proves/implies (i.e. makes it certain/probable) that ... ’

Friday, 20 December 2019

The Four Sub-Classes Of Fact Noun

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 537, 536):
There are four sub-classes of fact noun: (1) cases, (2) chances, (3) proofs and (4) needs. The first three go with embedded projections [typo: propositions] whereas the last goes with embedded proposals; see Table 7-26 for examples of nouns.

Thursday, 19 December 2019

Facts: Prepackaged Projections

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 537):
There is one other type of projection, where the projected clause is not being projected by a verbal or mental process with Sayer or Senser, or by a verbal or mental process noun in a metaphorical nominal group, but comes, as it were, ready packaged in projected form. We refer to this type as a fact. For example:
The irony is even further compounded by the fact [[that while every people must have those [[[who say, || ‘Here I stand,’]]] the fact is [[[Okonkwo loses a child to the forces of Christianity, || and Ezeulu loses his community to Christianity]]] ]].
The fact [[that fourteen of the original eighteen Julian Ashton nudes still decorate the Marble Bar’s walls]], perchance contributed to the bar winning Australian Playboy’s survey for Best Bar in Australia in 1986.
The fact [[that Lear never even alluded to that at the end]] is a sign [[that he didn’t learn very much through the course of the play]].
He’s trapped by the fact [[that the river flows south]].
Here a ‘fact’ noun serves as the Head/Thing of a nominal group with a projected clause as Postmodifier/Qualifier. Consider That Caesar was dead was obvious to all. Here that Caesar was dead is certainly a projection; but there is no process of saying or thinking which projects it. Its status is simply that of a fact; and it can indeed function as Qualifier to the noun fact, e.g. the fact that Caesar was dead was obvious to all.

Wednesday, 18 December 2019

The Projecting Environments Of Projected Propositions And Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 536):
Thus verbal processes, and mental: cognitive processes, project in the indicative mode (propositions), while verbal processes, and mental: desiderative processes, project in the imperative mode (proposals). The projecting environment may be a verbal or mental process clause, or a (metaphorical) nominal group with a verbal or mental process noun (locution or idea) as its Head.

Tuesday, 17 December 2019

The Subject Of Non-Finite Embedded Projections

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 536):
Where the projected clause is non-finite the Subject can be presupposed from the primary clause provided it is the participant that is actually doing the projecting – Senser or (more rarely) Sayer. So the thought of being a queen (encouraged her), her desire to be a queen ... , her assertion of being a queen ... , where ‘she’ is doing the thinking, etc.; but the news of her being a queen (proclaimed by someone else), the thought of her being a queen (in someone else’s mind), and so on. These correspond to the non-finite forms with hypotaxis: she wanted to be a queen, they wanted her to be a queen. In the finite forms, of course, the Subject is always made explicit.

Monday, 16 December 2019

An Embedded Projection Defines Its Noun Of Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 535):
… the noun is the name of a locution or an idea, and the clause that it projects serves to define it in exactly the same way that a ‘restrictive’ relative clause defines the noun that is expanded by it. Hence any noun that belongs to a projecting class may be defined (restricted) in either of these two ways, either by projection (e.g. the thought [[that she might one day be a queen]]) or by expansion (e.g. the thought [[that came into her mind]]). This leads to ambiguities such as the report [[that he was submitting]].

Sunday, 15 December 2019

Nouns Of Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 535, 536):
Nouns that project belong to clearly defined classes, verbal process nouns (locutions) and mental process nouns (ideas); they correspond rather closely to, and in many instances are derived from, the verbs used in the projecting clause, especially the reporting ones. Some of the principal nouns of projection are set out in Table 7-26.
The nature of the realisation of the embedded clause depends on the speech functional subcategory:
(I) Propositions
(a) stating: projected clause either (i) finite, that + indirect indicative, or (ii) non-finite, of + imperfective 
(b) questioning: projected clause either (i) finite, if/whether or WH- + indirect indicative, or (ii) nonfinite, whether or WH- + to + perfective
(II) Proposals
(a) offering (incl. suggesting): projected clause either (1) non-finite, to + perfective or of + imperfective, or (ii) finite, future indirect indicative 
(b) commanding: projected clause either (i) non-finite, to + perfective, or (ii) finite, modulated or future indirect indicative

Saturday, 14 December 2019

Embedded Projections In The Creation Of Discourse

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 534-5):
The fact that the projected clause is embedded as the Qualifier in a nominal group means that it can occur in a range of grammatical environments not open to non-embedded, tactically related projected clauses. This is important in the creation of discourse; one of the central uses of nominal groups with embedded projections is in the representation of arguments, as in newspaper reports and scientific discourse:
There is bitter opposition to his proposal [[that Palestinians renounce their demand [[for more than three million refugees to return to areas inside Israel that were abandoned in the 1948 war]] ]]. 
Israelis have rejected Mr Clinton’s proposal [[that they give up control of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem’s walled Old City, the holiest place in Judaism and the third most sacred in Islam]].
Boyle’s tentative suggestion [[that heat was simply motion]] was apparently not accepted by Stahl, || or perhaps it was unknown to him.
Here proposals and demands are opposed, renounced and rejected. The contribution to the creation of discourse is further enhanced by the fact that such nouns of projection can be used anaphorically to refer back to propositions and proposals already established in the discourse:
The Labour Party opposed Thor missiles, because, he said, they were out of date and vulnerable and would attract enemy action. That argument did not apply to the Polaris submarine.
The cohesive effect is similar to that created by text references achieved by means of this, that, it:
The talks lasted for three hours. This was a surprise, for they had only been scheduled to last two hours.
(cf. it was a surprise that the talks lasted for three hours with a fact clause; but nouns of projection make it possible to construe the class of projection explicitly.

Blogger Comments:

To be clear, here Matthiessen seriously misrepresents Halliday's model of cohesive reference.  It is not the noun of projection (argument) that makes anaphoric reference, but the reference item that precedes it (that). It would appear that Matthiessen has been fooled by the misunderstanding of Halliday in Martin (1992).  For evidence that Martin misunderstands the principles on which reference is theorised, see any of the 153 posts here.

Friday, 13 December 2019

All Embedded Projections Are Metaphorical

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 534):
The structure of a nominal group with an embedded projection is shown in Figure 7-22, part [i].
Such instances are still projections; but here the projecting element is the noun that is functioning as Thing, in this case assertion. … such instances of projection are all metaphorical: a projecting sequence is realised congruently as a clause nexus of projection – part [ii] of Figure 7-22, but it may alternatively be realised metaphorically as a nominal group – part [i] of Figure 7-22. When we align them as in Figure 7-22, we see how the nominal group construction with an embedded projection clause is agnate with a clause nexus of projection: the nominal group is a metaphorical, nominalised version of the clause nexus; and the noun assertion serving as Head/Thing is in fact a nominalised variant of the verb assert serving as Process in the agnate clause. The congruent Sayer may be left out in the nominal group; or it may be represented either as the Deictic (their assertion that ...) or as a Qualifier (the assertion by the government that ...). Part of the rhetorical power of the metaphorical group is the potential for leaving the Sayer unspecified.

Thursday, 12 December 2019

Embedded Locutions And Ideas

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 533-4):
Like the three types of expansion, both locutions and ideas can be embedded. Besides entering into paratactic and hypotactic clause nexuses, they can be ‘rankshifted’ to function as Qualifiers within a nominal group, as in:
Leaders of both a publicly-funded project and a competing private company issued statements Friday [[that they jointly would announce the status of their work on Monday]].
I was very intrigued by your take on Huck Finn in that piece, and your argument [[that the great American novel of that century was Uncle Tom’s Cabin]].
To what extent do you buy into the belief [[[that if the individual becomes enlightened, || that adds to the betterment of the universe in and of itself]]]?
AT&T’s stock slid 14 percent Tuesday as the company issued its first profit warning under chief executive C. Michael Armstrong, fuelling worries about [[whether his radical remake of the nation’s largest long-distance company will succeed]]. 
The man was impressive in some ways, Oxford educated, very twenties British bohemian, a great dancer and seducer of women, who suppressed his wife’s desire [[to be a ‘real’ archaeologist]] and whose own career really was a joke up until his early death from a sudden illness.

Wednesday, 11 December 2019

The Intonation Pattern Of Free Indirect Speech

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 532):
The intonation pattern of free indirect speech is still further anomalous, since it follows that of quoting and not that of reporting: the projected clause takes the intonation that it would have had if quoted (that is, identical with its straight, unprojected form), and the projecting clause follows it as a ‘tail’. This is because the projected clause still has the status of an independent speech act.

Tuesday, 10 December 2019

Direct, Free Indirect And Indirect Speech

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 532, 533):
To accommodate free indirect speech in our account, we thus need to expand Table 7-18 by dissociating the quote vs. report variable from the parataxis vs. hypotaxis one: see Table 7-25. As the table shows, free indirect speech can be projected both verbally and mentally, and includes both propositions and proposals – everything, in fact, that can be both quoted and reported (thus excluding minor speech functions since they can only be quoted).

Monday, 9 December 2019

Free Indirect Speech

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 532, 532n):
… there is another mode of projection which is sometimes described as ‘intermediate between direct and indirect speech’, namely free indirect speech:³²
Quoted (‘direct’)           ‘Am I dreaming?’ Jill wondered
‘Free indirect’                Was she dreaming, Jill wondered
Reported (‘indirect’)      Jill wondered if she was dreaming
Strictly speaking it is not so much intermediate as a blend: it has some of the features of each of the other two types. The structure is paratactic, so the projected clause has the form of an independent clause retaining the mood of the quoted form; but it is a report and not a quote, so time and person reference are shifted – was she not am I. This is another example of the semogenic principle whereby the system fills up a slot it has created for itself.
³² ‘Free indirect speech’ encompasses a range of different feature combinations; it is a projection ‘space’ rather than a single invariant pattern. The account given here represents it in its prototypical form.

Sunday, 8 December 2019

Referring To Quoted Ideas vs Substituting For Reported Ideas

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 531):
With ‘mental’ process clauses the picture is more complex, since the reference form that tends to be associated with certainty and the substitute so with uncertainty; the principle is actually the same, but it is operating in a different environment (cf. the different senses of thought in quoting and reporting, referred to above). The principle is that a substitute does not refer; it simply harks back. It thus has the general semantic property of implying, and so excluding, possible alternatives; cf. the nominal substitute one as in a big one, meaning ‘there are also small ones, and I don’t mean those’. This is why so, which is a clause substitute, has the general sense of ‘non-real’, by contrast with what is ‘real’; besides (i) projection, where it signifies what is asserted or postulated, it is used in two other contexts: (ii) hypothetical, as opposed to actual, and (iii) possible, as opposed to certain. Hence:
(i) I think so          but      I know [that]         not      I know so
(ii) if so                 but      because of that      not      because so
(iii) perhaps so      but      certainly                not      certainly so

Saturday, 7 December 2019

Referring To Quoted Locutions vs Substituting For Reported Locutions

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 530-1):
The sky is about to fall. (i) – Who said that? (ii) – Who said so?
 It is clear that both that and so stand for something that is projected, as shown by the verb said. In (i)  this projected element is being treated as a quote: ‘who produced that verbal act?’ – hence we can ask who said that? if we want to identify a speaker from among a crowd, like a teacher finding out who was talking in class. In (ii), on the other hand, the expression the sky is about to fall is being treated not as anybody’s verbal act but as a text; the meaning is ‘who affirmed that that was the case?’, with the implication that the contrary is conceivable.
In ‘verbal’ process clauses, therefore, he said that simply attests his production of the wording, whereas he said so raises the issue of whether what he said is in fact the case.

Friday, 6 December 2019

Referring To Quotes vs Substituting For Reports

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 530):
There are different ways of referring back to what is quoted and what is reported. Typically a reference item, usually that, is used to pick up a quoted passage, while a substitute, so/not, is used with a report. For example,
She said, ‘I can’t do it.’– Did she really say that?
She said she couldn’t do it.– Did she really say so?
This is because the act of quoting implies a prior referent, some actual occasion that can then be referred back to, whereas in reporting there is nothing but the reported text. This explains the difference in meaning between I don’t believe that ‘I do not accept that assertion as valid’ and I don’t believe so ‘in my opinion such is not the case’.

Thursday, 5 December 2019

The Semantic Inequivalence Of Direct And Indirect Speech

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 530):
Traditional school exercises of the kind ‘turn into direct/indirect speech’ suggest that the two always fully match. This is true lexicogrammatically, in that it is always possible to find an equivalent – although not always a unique one: given Mary said she had seen it, the quoted equivalent might be I have seen it, I had seen it or I saw it, or she (someone else) has seen it, etc. But it is not true as a general statement about usage. Semantically the two do not exactly match, and there are many instances where it does not make sense to replace one by the other. Note, for example, Alice thought that that was the jury-box, where we should have to change Alice thought to something like Alice said to herself in order to avoid the sense of ‘held the opinion’, which is the natural interpretation of a verb of thinking when it is projecting by hypotaxis.

Wednesday, 4 December 2019

Reported Imperative (‘Indirect Command’)

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 530):
With the imperative the relationship is less clear. We noted in Chapter 4 that the imperative is a somewhat indeterminate category, having some features of a finite and some features of a non-finite clause. Similarly the category of reported imperative (‘indirect command’) is not very clearly defined. But non-finite clauses with to, following a verb such as tell or order, can be interpreted as reported proposals. They likewise display the properties of ‘indirect speech’, although without sequence of tenses, since the verb does not select for tense. For example,
‘I know this trick of yours.’ She said || she knew that trick of his.
‘Can you come tomorrow?’ He asked || if she could come the next day.
‘Why isn’t John here?’ She wondered || why John wasn’t there.

‘Help yourselves.’ He told them || to help themselves.
‘We must leave to-night.’ She said || they had to leave that night.

Tuesday, 3 December 2019

The Shift Of Mood In Reported Interrogatives

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 530):
If the reported clause is interrogative it typically shifts into the declarative; the declarative is the unmarked mood, and is used in all clauses that do not select for mood independently, including all dependent clauses. A yes/no interrogative becomes declarative, introduced by if or whether (he asked ‘is she coming at noon?’ : he asked whether she was coming at noon); a WH- interrogative becomes declarative with the WH- element remaining at the front (he asked ‘when is she coming?’ : he asked when she was coming).

Monday, 2 December 2019

The Shift Of Deixis And Tense In Reported Propositions

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 529):
As we have seen, a reported proposition typically takes on a set of related features collectively known as ‘indirect speech’. What happens is that all deictic elements are shifted away from reference to the speech situation: personals away from first and second person (speaker and listener) to third, and demonstratives away from near (here-&-now) to remote. A part of this effect is the ‘sequence of tenses’: if the verb in the reporting clause has ‘past’ as its primary tense, then typically each verb in the reported clause has its finite element in the corresponding System II (‘sequent’) form: see Table 7-24.
In other words, an additional ‘past’ feature is introduced at the Finite element in the mood structure of the projected clause. The use of the sequent form is not obligatory; it is less likely in a clause stating a general proposition, for example they said they close at weekends. But overall it is the unmarked choice in the environment in question.

Sunday, 1 December 2019

Quoting And Reporting As Modes Of Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 528):
Quoting and reporting are not simply formal variants; they differ in meaning. The difference between them derives from the general semantic distinction between parataxis and hypotaxis, as it applies in the particular context of projecting. In quoting, the projected element has independent status; it is thus more immediate and lifelike, and this effect is enhanced by the orientation of the deixis, which is that of drama not that of narrative. Quoting is particularly associated with certain narrative registers, fictional and personal; it is used not only for sayings but also for thoughts, including not only first-person thoughts, as in
... and watching that trial wondering whether in fact he was innocent or not and I couldn’t make up my mind, after a while I thought ‘No, I’m sure he’s guilty’.
but also third-person thoughts projected by an omniscient narrator, as in
‘And that’s the jury-box,’ thought Alice.
So after about two hours he thought ‘Well they’re not coming back’ and he started hitchhiking.
Reporting, on the other hand, presents the projected element as dependent. It still gives some indication of mood, but in a form which precludes it from functioning as a move in an exchange; the mood is projected, not straight. And the speaker makes no claim to be abiding by the wording.

Friday, 29 November 2019

Mental Reporting Of Proposals: Indeterminacy

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 527-8, 527n):
As with those that are projected verbally, so with those that are projected mentally the exact limits are fuzzy; they merge with causatives and with various aspectual categories. The relevant criteria are similar to those set up for propositions, except that we cannot realistically test for quoting, since mental proposals are rarely quoted.* For reporting, however, if the process in the dominant clause is one of desire, and the dependent clause is a future declarative, or could be replaced by a future declarative, then the structure can be interpreted as a projection; for example we hope you will not forget. In Chapter 8, Section 8.8, we shall suggest an alternative interpretation for those where the dependent clause is non-finite and its Subject is presupposed from the dominant clause, e.g. he wanted to go home (where it is difficult to find a closely equivalent finite form); but there will always be a certain amount of arbitrariness about where the line is drawn.
* Note that ‘I wish he’d go away,’ thought Mary is a quoted proposition incorporating a reported proposal, not a quoted proposal, which would be ‘Let him go away!’ wished Mary. As with mental propositions, so also with mental proposals: the notion behind quoting is generally that of ‘saying to oneself’, or saying silently to a deity as in prayer.

Thursday, 28 November 2019

Mental Reporting Of Proposals (Vs Propositions)

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 527, 517):
With the ‘mental’ reporting of ideas, there is an important distinction between propositions and proposals, deriving from their fundamental nature as different forms of semiotic exchange. Whereas propositions, which are exchanges of information, are projected mentally by processes of cognition – thinking, knowing, understanding, wondering, etc. – proposals, which are exchanges of goods-&-services, are projected mentally by processes of desire, as illustrated by the examples given above under ‘mental’ (for examples of verbs of desire, see above Table 7-21). Thus, while propositions are thought, proposals are hoped.

Wednesday, 27 November 2019

Verbal Reporting Of Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 526, 523):
The parallel between quoting and reporting is not so close with proposals as with propositions, because reported proposals merge gradually into causatives without any very clear line in between. Thus not only are there many verbs used in quoting which are not used in reporting – again the complex ones: we would not write his driver soothed him to be steady or soothed that he should keep steady – but also there are many verbs used to report that are not used to quote, verbs expressing a wide variety of rhetorical processes such as persuade, forbid, undertake, encourage, recommend, as illustrated above; see Table 7-23.

Tuesday, 26 November 2019

Reported Non-Finite Proposals: The Status Of The Subject In Locutions Vs Ideas

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 526):
However, these typically differ with respect to the status of the Subject of the reported proposal. With reported locutions, the Subject is implicit; it is presumed from the Receiver of the reporting ‘verbal’ clause: he told/promised me || to wash the car. This is shown by the agnate finite variant (he told me || that I should wash the car; he promised me || that he would wash the car) and by the fact that the ‘verbal’ clause has a passive variant with the Receiver as Subject – I was told || to wash the car
In contrast, with reported ideas, the Subject is explicit as part of the projected proposal: he wanted || me to wash the car; he intended/planned/hoped || for me to wash the car. Here there is no passive variant of the reporting clause – we cannot say I was wanted || to wash the car, I was hoped || (for) to wash the car; but there is a passive variant of the reported idea clause – we can say he wanted || the car to be washed (by me). Not surprisingly, there are intermediate cases; more specifically, certain nexuses of reported locutions have properties usually associated with nexuses of reported ideas. Thus with order we can say I was ordered || to wash the car (cf. I was told || to wash the car); but we can also say he ordered || the car to be washed (by me) (cf. he wanted || the car to be washed (by me)).

Monday, 25 November 2019

The Presumed Subject Of Reported Non-Finite Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 526, 526n):
Unlike reported propositions, reported proposals take the same form regardless of whether they are giving or demanding in orientation:* (giving) he promised me to wash the car; (demanding) he told me to wash the car. This applies to both locutions and ideas. 
* This is true of the form of non-finites; but they differ with respect to the source of the presumed Subject of the non-finite clause, as is shown by the agnate finite variant of the reported clause: when the orientation is demanding, the source is the Receiver of the verbal clause (he told me || to wash the carthat I should ...); when it is given, the source is the Sayer (he promised me || to wash the car – that he would ...). Finites differ between giving and demanding in the choice of modal: (giving: inclination) he promised that he would wash the car; (demanding: obligation) he demanded that we should wash the car.

Sunday, 24 November 2019

Reported Non-Finite Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 525-6):
The non-finites are typically perfective, e.g.
||| I tell people || to say thank you. |||
||| And then, finally, I was invited || to create the interior of the United States Pavilion at the New York World’s Fair in 1964. |||
||| Of course I want || Labour to win || but I don’t think || they will. |||
||| Do you want || me to explain that? |||
However, a few verbs take imperfective projections, e.g. she suggested talking it over.

Saturday, 23 November 2019

Reported Proposals In Subjunctive Mode

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 525):
In American English in particular, reported proposals are often in the ‘subjunctive’ (where the third person singular is the base form of the verb); for example:
||| The negotiations were suspended in January || when Syria insisted || Israel commit to returning to prewar 1967 borders. ||| 
||| Did they suggest || the attorney general investigate? ||| 
||| When Evans returned to Sydney with glowing reports of this fertile land [[he’d found]], || the Governor ordered || that a road be built. ||| 
||| Perhaps it was history that ordained || that it be here, at the Cape of Good Hope [[that we should lay the foundation stone of our new nation]]. |||

Friday, 22 November 2019

The Mood Of Finite Reported Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 525):
The finites are declarative, usually modulated with a modal auxiliary of obligation (should, ought to, must, has to, is to, might, could, would) serving as Finite, e.g.
||| The doctor ordered || that all the books and toys [[that the Boy had played with in bed]] must be burned. |||
||| Yet somebody told me || that I mustn’t repudiate my non-fiction, || because it’s saying very much || what the fiction is saying. |||
||| He told Philip || that he should demand higher wages, || for notwithstanding the difficult work [[he was now engaged in]], he received no more than the six shillings a week [[with which he started]]. ||| 
||| I wish || you’d do something about that wall, Jane. |||
||| But until you’ve got kids || and are bringing them up ||| ... I wish || mine would hurry up || and grow up || and leave home. |||

Thursday, 21 November 2019

The Finiteness Of Reported Propositions And Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 525, 525n):
With propositions, the reported clause is finite.* With proposals, it may be (a) finite or (b) non-finite. 
* Except for certain projected ideas, which may take a non-finite form on the model of the Latin ‘accusative + infinitive’, e.g. ||| I understood || them to have accepted ||| he doesn’t consider || you to be serious |||. These shade into attributed intensive relational clauses, e.g. [Attributor:] he [Process:] doesn’t consider [Carrier:] you [Attribute:] serious.

Wednesday, 20 November 2019

Reporting Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 524-5):
Like propositions, proposals can also be reported: projected hypotactically (1) by ‘verbal’ clauses as ‘indirect speech’ or (2) by ‘mental’ clauses as ‘indirect thought’. The former involves indirect commands, offers and suggestions; the latter desired (ideas of) states of affair. One central feature they share is the mode of the projected proposal: it is ‘irrealis’, or non-actualised, and the projecting clause represents the verbal or mental force of actualisation. The mode is reflected in the realisation of the reported clause. (Both mental and verbal reporting of proposals can be used to realise direct proposals).

Tuesday, 19 November 2019

Quoting Proposals

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 524):
As with verbs used to quote propositions, verbs such as moan serve in ‘behavioural’ clauses pressed into quoting service; for example:
||| ‘Say something nice to me,’ || she murmured. |||
||| ‘Oh, don’t go yet,’ || he cried. ||| ‘I must,’ || she muttered. |||
||| ‘Oh, don’t take him away yet,’ || she moaned. |||
These are the ‘direct commands’ of traditional grammar, to which we would need to add ‘direct offers (and suggestions)’; in other words, all proposals projected as ‘direct speech’. Just like non-projected proposals, quoted proposals may be realised by ‘imperative’ clauses; but they may also be realised by modulated ‘indicative’ ones:
||| ‘Then please tell him’, || Liz begged like a child. |||
||| ‘Don’t be ridiculous’, || Julia snapped. |||
||| ‘Perhaps you and your wife would like to look around together’, || Richard suggested with frosty politeness. |||
||| ‘You could still apply for it, you know – the managership’, || Andrew was suggesting helpfully. |||
||| ‘I shouldn’t keep him waiting, || if I were you’, || Eleanor tossed over her shoulder || as she left. |||

Blogger Comments:

Matthiessen's interpretation of the quoting clause as behavioural is problematic, because it creates unnecessary inconsistency and complication in the theory.  The simplest (and Hallidayan) interpretation is that the quoting clause is verbal, not behavioural, and that the lexical choice adds a behavioural feature to the process of saying.

This use of lexis is a common strategy in English, as shown by clauses like she talked her way into the press conference. In this instance, the lexical selection 'talk' adds a (near-verbal) behavioural feature to a material Process.  We know the clause isn't behavioural because the Range of the Process her way is not a Behaviour (as it would be for behavioural clauses).

Monday, 18 November 2019

Quoting Offers And Commands

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 523-4):
Offers and commands, and also suggestions which are simply the combination of the two (offer ‘I’ll do it’, command ‘you do it’, suggestion ‘let’s do it’), can be projected paratactically (quoted) in the same way as propositions, by means of a verbal process clause having a quoting function. For example (using an exclamation mark as an optional notational variant),
||| If we’re talking || when she’s writing up on the board, || all of a sudden she’ll turn round || and go || ‘will you be quiet!’ |||
||| she’ll go || will you be quiet |||
1               “2!
Here the verb go is the quoting verb. Further examples:
||| I said to Peter, || ‘Don’t say anything.’ |||
||| ‘The ark must be 450 feet long, 75 feet wide, and 45 feet high,’ || he said, || ‘big enough for you and your wife, your three sons, and their wives’. |||
||| He said, || ‘I could fix that hot-water heater!’ |||
||| ‘Let’s celebrate today, || because beginning tomorrow || there’s a lot of work [[to do]],’ || he said. |||

Sunday, 17 November 2019

Quoting Thought

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 522-3):
This combination of a verbal process with ‘reporting’, although we are treating it as logically subsequent to quoting, being arrived at by analogy with the reporting of a mental process, is the normal way of representing what people say, in most registers of English today. The opposite combination, that of a mental process with ‘quoting’, is also found, although considerably more restricted. Here a thought is represented as if it was a wording, for example
I saw an ad in the paper for dachshunds, and I thought ‘I’ll just inquire’ – not intending to buy one, of course.
||| I thought || ‘I’ll just inquire’ |||
1                ‘2
||| ‘The gods must watch out for Kukul,’ || he thought to himself. |||
||| So I figured ||‘Well, then obviously it’s going to be a nineteenth-century American novel’. |||
||| ‘When all’s said and done,’ << he reflected, >> ‘she hasn’t had much chance.’ |||
The implication is ‘I said to myself ... ’; and this expression is often used, recognising the fact that one can think in words. Only certain mental process verbs are regularly used to quote in this way, such as think, wonder, reflect, surmise.

Saturday, 16 November 2019

A Strategy For Construing Processes Of Saying That Externalise Processes Of Consciousness

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 522, 523):
In addition to the verbs listed in Table 7-23, we also find a pattern with verb: express + a noun of sensing such as belief, confidence, suspicion; hope, desire; apprehension, concern, disappointment, frustration, fear(s), anger, outrage, regret (+ to nominal group) + that-clause. 
This pattern could be analysed as a ranged ‘verbal’ clause: Process: express + Verbiage: [nominal group: Head: fear, etc. + Qualifier: that-clause]; we also find such nouns of sensing (often nominalisations of verbs of sensing) serving as Head and configured with phrases as Qualifier, as in express + fear of attack / childbirth / for safety / about labour unrest
However, looked at ‘from above’, this pattern can be interpreted as a strategy for construing processes of saying externalising processes of consciousness. They may be configured with an element that can be interpreted as Receiver, and they often occur in the environment of hypotactically projecting verbal clauses; for example:
Assange expressed fears that cyberspace had its limits. 
The coach of the Peruvian Football, Sergio Markarian, expressed confidence that their pupils achieve a victory over Colombia and said it is in the semi-finals of the Copa America. 
Many viewers have expressed frustration that the supposedly feminist Joss Whedon would create a story about a glorified, high-tech form of prostitution. However, I argue here that in his feminist repertoire, Dollhouse gives us just as much fodder for thinking about gender, feminism, and power as Buffy the Vampire Slayer, which drew its appeal by resisting the very forms of systemic oppression, both male and female disempowerment, that Dollhouse sought to make explicit. 
After Warren died from HIV in 1995, I expressed regret to Kirk that I hadn’t seen more of Warren in his last years, and Kirk suggested that one way I could respond would be by seeing more of him – which I did, and was glad to do.

Friday, 15 November 2019

Verbs That Assign Interpersonal And/Or Behavioural Features To The Speech Event

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 522, 522n):
On the other hand, many verbs that assign interpersonal and/or behavioural features to the speech event, and are used to quote especially in narrative contexts, are never used to report because they do not contain the feature ‘say’. Thus we are unlikely to find … Poirot mused that discretion was a great thing, and even more unlikely to find examples involving behavioural processes that are closer to the physiological end of the behavioural end of the spectrum.*
*But they do occur when they embody assessment, as is illustrated by the following selection from the web:
(a) Drinking in the view across the Potomac River, Kennedy reportedly mused that he could stay in that spot forever; 
(b) When we invented the wheel, people moaned that we’d forget how to walk; 
(c) Citizens have long grimaced that their votes are the only input they gave into government; 
(d) I muttered, embarrassed, something about having never been to see him all this time and she frowned that I had never gone to see him; 
(e) The careful telephonic questions of Dictator Mussolini were followed by abrupt commands. Consul Riccardi gulped that he understood, hung up, donned resplendent attire, and fairly strutted to the residence of Provincial Governor Stumpf.
However, there do not (at the time of writing!) appear to be examples of reporting with hiccupped (hiccoughed) that, coughed that, spat that.

Thursday, 14 November 2019

'Reporting Only' (Usually) Verbs

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 521-2):
Many semantically complex verbs for elaborated speech functions are used only in reporting, e.g. insinuate, imply, remind, hypothesise, deny, make out, claim, maintain. These verbs are seldom used to quote; there is too much experiential distance between them and the actual speech event.

Wednesday, 13 November 2019

Speech Function Is Made Explicit In The Reporting Verb

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 521):
In quoting, the word say can project sayings of every mood, whereas in reporting we find say, ask and tell: see examples in Table 7-22.
Note also the reporting form Henry told Janet who was there ‘answered Janet’s question “who’s here?” ’, to which there is no quoting equivalent.

Tuesday, 12 November 2019

Verbs Reporting Statements And Questions

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 521):
Verbs used in reporting statements and questions are often the same as those used in quoting; but there is one significant difference. In quoting, the independent status of the proposition, including its mood, is preserved; hence the speech function is as explicit as in the ‘original’. In reporting, on the other hand, the speech function is, or may be, obscured, and is therefore made explicit in the reporting verb.

Monday, 11 November 2019

The Projection Of Minor Clauses

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 520):
While minor clauses can be quoted, they cannot be reported; that is, the quoting clause nexus He said ‘Ah!’ has no reporting agnate. Similarly, while non-linguistic sounds can be quoted (often with go as the Process, as in she went (sound of a sigh)), they cannot be reported.

Sunday, 10 November 2019

Verbal Reports: Wordings Represented As Meanings

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 519-20):
It is possible to ‘report’ a saying by representing it as a meaning. This is the ‘reported speech’, or ‘indirect speech’, of traditional Western grammars; for example, the noble Brutus hath told you Cæsar was ambitious. In this instance, Brutus had, indeed, said those very words …
But the principle behind this hypotactic representation of a verbal event is that it is not, in fact, being presented as true to the wording; the speaker is reporting the gist of what was said, and the wording may be quite different from the original …
This is not to suggest, of course, that when a speaker uses the paratactic, ‘direct’ form he is always repeating the exact words; far from it. But the idealised function of the paratactic structure is to represent the wording; whereas with hypotaxis the idealised function is to represent the sense, or gist.

Saturday, 9 November 2019

The Perspectives Of Hypotactic vs Paratactic Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 519):
As pointed out earlier, the hypotactic relationship implies a different perspective. If we contrast the following pair of examples:
(a) Mary said: ‘I will come back here to-morrow’.
(b) Mary thought she would go back there the next day.
then in (a) the standpoint in the projected clause is that of the Sayer, Mary; she is the point of reference for the deixis, which thus preserves the form of the lexicogrammatical event, using I, here, come, tomorrow. In (b) on the other hand the standpoint in the projected clause is simply that of the speaker of the projecting one; so Mary is ‘she’, Mary’s present location is ‘there’, a move towards that location is ‘going’, and the day referred to as that immediately following the saying is not the speaker’s tomorrow but simply ‘the next day’. Furthermore, since the saying clause has past time the projected clause carries over the feature of temporal remoteness: hence would (future in past – the past defined by thought), not will (simple future). Hypotactic projection preserves the deictic orientation of the projecting clause, which is that of the speaker; whereas in paratactic projection the deixis shifts and takes on the orientation of the Sayer. And while paratactic projection can represent any dialogic features of what was said, hypotactic projection cannot; for example, vocative elements and minor speech functions can be quoted but not reported …

Friday, 8 November 2019

The Reason For The Typical Pattern For Projecting Meanings

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 518):
When something is projected as a meaning, we are not representing ‘the very words’, because there are no words. If we want to argue about whether or not the experts held this opinion, we have no observed event as a point of reference. Hence, in combination with the tactic system, the basic pattern for projecting meanings is not parataxis, which treats the projection as a free-standing event, but hypotaxis, which makes it dependent on the mental process clause. In other words, the typical pattern for representing a ‘thinking’ is the hypotactic one …

Thursday, 7 November 2019

Wordings As 'Twice Cooked'

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 518):
So, for example, the phenomenon of water falling out of the sky may be construed as a meaning, by a mental process of cognition, in (she thoughtit was raining; but when the same phenomenon is represented by a verbal process, as in (she said:) ‘it’s raining’, it is the meaning ‘it is raining’ that has been reconstrued to become a wording. A wording is, as it were, twice cooked. … We are unconsciously aware that when something has the status of a wording it lies not at one but at two removes from experience; it has undergone two steps in the realisation process.

Blogger Comments:

unconsciously adverb 'without awareness'

Wednesday, 6 November 2019

Mental Projections As Meanings

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 517-8):
Something that is projected as a meaning is still a phenomenon of language – it is what was referred to above as a ‘metaphenomenon’; but it is presented at a different level – semantic, not lexicogrammatical. When something is projected as a meaning it has already been ‘processed’ by the linguistic system – it is a phenomenon of experience that has been construed as a meaning; but processed only once, not twice as in the case of a wording, where a phenomenon of experience is construed first as a meaning and then in turn as wording.

Tuesday, 5 November 2019

Mentally Reported Questions [2]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 517):
But they also include clauses where the uncertainty is represented grammatically in the projecting clause by a feature of negative polarity or interrogative mood, or by projection or expansion within the verbal group serving as Process, or by perfective aspect in a purpose clause; for example:
||| I do not know || whether you have seen it. ||| 
||| It is not known || whether the mystics could give objective certainty to their experiences. ||| 
||| Who knows || whether his debt was true or false? ||| 
||| So I want to know || whether this devious and hypocritical me could have been whole and innocent at least as a boy. |||

Monday, 4 November 2019

Mentally Reported Questions [1]

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 516):
The projected idea clause is either an indirect statement or an indirect question; … different sets of verbs are associated with these two types. In the environment of ‘mental’ projection, the contrast between statement and question is not concerned with the speech functional orientation of giving vs. demanding information but rather with the status of the validity of the information. In a statement, it is fixed with respect to the polarity and the elements of transitivity (realised by an indirect declarative clause optionally introduced by that), but in a question, it is open with respect to the polarity (realised by an indirect yes/no interrogative clause introduced by whether or if) or one (or more) of the elements of transitivity (realised by an indirect wh- interrogative clause introduced by who, which, when, where, etc.). Consequently, mental clauses representing an ‘undecided’ state of mind are used to project indirect questions. These include clauses of wondering and doubting, finding out and checking, and contemplating, which tend to be characterised by special lexical verbs such as wonder, ascertain; for example:
||| Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak said Tuesday || he doubted || President Clinton could broker an Israeli-Palestinian peace deal before the end his presidential term on Jan. 20. ||| 
||| I’ll ask Jenny about laptops || and find out || whether we have got any. ||| 
||| She had not been in || when he had phoned || to check || whether they were going out for dinner that night. ||| 
||| It should be noted || that the first step taken by the underwriter or agent is [[[ to examine the policy || to ascertain || whether the loss is recoverable thereunder]]] . ||| 
||| He investigated || whether his feeling [[ that the veena produced the most exquisite musical sound]] was a subjective reaction || or has a sound physical basis. ||| 
||| Let us now consider || whether the arrangement of the stanzas in the particular order bears out any such meaning [[ as we have got from it]] . |||

Sunday, 3 November 2019

Verbs Serving As Process In ‘Mental’ Clauses Projecting Ideas

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 516, 517):

Examples of verbs serving as Process in ‘mental’ clauses projecting ideas are set out in Table 7-21. The verbs are largely restricted to two of the four types of sensing – cognition and desideration (but usually not perception and never emotion). So far we have concentrated on clauses of the ‘cognitive’ type; these always project propositions. Here a proposition is, as it were, created cognitively; it is brought into existence by a process of thinking.